Etymological Origins and Cultural Significance of Weekday Names in the Kurdish Language

Prepared by the researche :  Marwan Hamay – Xwendekarê Doktorayê, Zanîngeha RWTH Aachen, Elmanya – Pisporî: Zimannasî û Peywendî

DAC Democratic Arabic Center GmbH

International Journal of Kurdish Studies : Twelfth Issue – January 2026

A Periodical International Journal published by the “Democratic Arab Center” Germany – Berlin

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ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0001-0861-6809

Abstract

This study investigates the deep etymological and cultural layers of Kurdish weekday names through a historical-comparative lens. Focusing on şemî (Saturday) and înî (Friday), the research traces their evolution from Sumerian deities—Utu/Šamaš (solar god) and Inanna (goddess of love and war)—through Hurrian, Urartian, and Median linguistic strata.

Data were drawn from cuneiform tablets, Akkadian and Urartian inscriptions, Middle Persian texts, and cross-linguistic comparison with Turkish, Arabic, and Persian. Findings reveal that Kurdish retains a solar-based decimal system for Saturday–Thursday (şemî), while înî (Friday) stands apart as a divine-feminine marker, reflecting Inanna’s cultic legacy.

Crucially, the study demonstrates Kurdish linguistic agency: Turkish çarşamba (Wednesday) and perşembe (Thursday) are direct borrowings from Kurdish çarşem and pêncşem. The semantic shift of wāzār (Middle Persian “market”) → Kurdish bazar → Turkish Pazar (Sunday) further illustrates how market-day rituals embedded Kurdish temporal culture into regional calendars.

Beyond etymology, the weekday system functions as a cultural archive: Kurdish communities preserve pre-Islamic solar worship, resist assimilation, and encode identity in everyday speech. The study calls for future sociolinguistic fieldwork on how these names are ritualized in weekly bazaars, festivals, and oral narratives across Kurdistan.

Kurte

Ev lêkolîn berhema dîrokî û çandî ya navên rojên hefteyê di zimanê kurdî de bi rêbazeke berawirdî-dîrokî vedikole. Bi taybetî, tê de şopandina şemî û înî ji xwedawendên Sumerî (Utu/Šamaş û Inanna) heta bandorên Hurî, Urartî û Medî têne analîz kirin. Şemî wek bingeha hejmarî ya rojên şemî heta pêncşemê tê dîtin, di dema ku Înî wek roja xwedawendiya jinan (Inanna) ji nava vê pergala hejmarî derdikeve.

Daneyên lêkolînê ji tabletên mîmarî, nivîsên dîrokî yên Akkadî, Urartî û Pahlavî, û ji zimanên hevçeman (Tirkî, Erebî, Farisî) hatine berhevkirin. Encam nîşan didin ku kurdî ne tenê zimanekî bandordar bûye, lê belgeyekî zindî yê mîrata Mezopotamyayê ye. Mînaka herî zelal: çarşem û pêncşem bi rasterast ji kurdî ve li tirkî hatine wergirtin (çarşamba, perşembe).

Herwiha, ev pergalê rojan wek amûrekî berxwedana çandî li hemberî asîmîlasyonê hatiye bikaranîn: kurdî bi dirêjahî navên xwe yên rojan parastine, di dema ku zimanên din (wek tirkî) navên kurdî kiribinin bingeha rojan. Ev lêkolîn pêşniyaz dike ku lêkolînên sosyolîngvîstîk li ser karanîna vê pergalê di jiyana rojane, di şahî, bazaran û rîtuelên gelêrî de were domandin.

Introduction

The division of time into a seven-day week is a cultural legacy that transcends modern calendars, rooted in ancient civilizations and reflected in the linguistic traditions of diverse peoples. In the Kurdish language, weekday names offer a window into this heritage, preserving etymological traces of Sumerian influences and shaping a distinct cultural identity (Hamay, 2025). This study investigates these names to uncover their historical origins and their role in Kurdish society, setting the foundation for a deeper understanding of linguistic resilience (Hamay, 2024). Supporting this connection, Waddell highlights the Sumerian influence on early civilizations, noting that the title “Great Sea Lord of the Lands of the Seven Seas” used by the pharaoh Narmar reflects a Sumerian legacy tied to the number seven, a concept also echoed in references to “The Seven Days of the Week” alongside other septenary motifs like the “Seven Mother Rivers” and “Seven Sages” (Waddell, 1930, p. 98). This ancient numerical and cultural framework enriches the exploration of Kurdish weekday names, linking them to a broader Indo-European and Mesopotamian heritage that this research aims to unravel. To fully appreciate this linkage, it is essential to examine the historical origins of the seven-day week.

1.1 Historical Context of the Seven-Day Week

The seven-day week, a cornerstone of temporal organization across cultures, emerged from ancient civilizations and reflects a complex interplay of astronomical observation and societal needs. Its origins are often traced to the Sumerians, whose influence extended to the Kurdish linguistic tradition, particularly in the naming of weekdays (Hamay, 2025b). This section explores the historical development of the seven-day week, drawing on evidence from Mesopotamia and beyond to provide a foundation for understanding its cultural significance in the Kurdish context.

The Sumerians, one of the earliest known civilizations, are credited with establishing the seven-day cycle, a division inspired by the seven celestial bodies they observed: the sun, moon, and the planets Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. Gündüz notes that the Sumerians associated these celestial objects with their shamanistic beliefs, linking the sacred lapis lazuli stone—mined in the Hindu Kush mountains—to the rising of the sun, moon, and Venus, which they perceived as divine entities with human-like abodes (Gündüz, 2012, p. 222). This celestial foundation shaped their calendrical practices, as evidenced by the seven-day celebration ceremonies for the investiture of Enagaziana, the first en-priestess of Nanna, which spanned from day 23 to day 30 of the harvest month (Crawford, 2013, p. 254). Such rituals underscore the cultural importance of the number seven, a motif reinforced by the dedication of seven temples in cities like those described by Crawford (Crawford, 2013, p. 527).

Contrary to assumptions that the seven-day week derives from the lunar cycle, Westby argues that it is a “social week” based on mathematical regularity rather than natural rhythms. He explains that the lunar month, approximately 29.5306 days, cannot be evenly divided into weekly blocks, dismissing the idea of a 28-day cycle (Westby, 2010, p. 3). This regularity allowed for a stable temporal structure, a point Zerubavel supports by suggesting that defining the week as a precise multiple of the day enabled settled life and high social organization, avoiding the irregularities of lunar approximations (Westby, 2010, p. 4). The shift to a fixed seven-day week gained prominence historically, with Westby noting that the eight-day week faded as Emperor Constantine established the seven-day week in the Roman calendar in 321 AD, designating Sunday as its first day (Westby, 2010, p. 5). Intriguingly, Greenaway’s exploration of circaseptan rhythms—biological cycles of about seven days—suggests that these innate rhythms in plants, insects, and animals may predate cultural constructs. He cites Franz Halberg, proposing that such rhythms are autonomous and could have influenced the calendar week’s origin, challenging the notion that culture alone drove its development (Greenaway, 2022, p. 028).

Further historical evidence indicates that the seven-day week evolved through cross-cultural exchanges. Westby highlights the Babylonian astronomers’ identification of seven heavenly bodies, with the Egyptians later assigning these to days, creating the “planetary week” that spread to Rome via Hellenistic influences following Alexander the Great’s conquests and Julius Caesar’s annexation of Egypt (Westby, 2010, p. 6). This astrological week, adopted in the West by the end of the first century BC, contrasts with the lack of explicit week-based divisions in Sumerian administrative records, where months were subdivided by day numbers (e.g., ud-x-kam), as Crawford observes (Crawford, 2013, p. 315). Powell’s conclusion that the seven-day week played no role in Sumerian accounting further suggests its cultural rather than practical origin, with holidays tied to lunar phases rather than weekly cycles (Crawford, 2013, p. 268). This historical context reveals the seven-day week as a construct shaped by celestial reverence and societal needs, rather than a direct reflection of nature. For the Kurds, whose weekday names like şemî (/ʃɛˈmiː/, “Saturday”) and îni (/ˈiːni/, “Friday”) echo Sumerian influences, this legacy offers a lens to explore their calendrical identity, distinct from the Roman-derived ISO 8601 standard that commences on Monday (Crawford, 2013, p. 315).

1.2 Kurdish Language and Its Cultural Heritage

The Kurdish language, a North-western Aryan language within the Indo- Aryan family, reflects a rich cultural heritage, particularly through its weekday names, which embody etymological origins and cultural significance shaped by its historical evolution in the Zagros Mountains (De Vaan & Lubotsky, 2014, p. 2). This section explores these origins and their cultural importance, focusing on how they connect to the broader Kurdish linguistic identity.

The Kurdish weekdays, known as “rojên hefteyê” (days of the week), trace their etymological roots to Proto- Aryan and subsequent North-western Aryan developments. Emerging during the second millennium BCE with the westward migration of Aryan tribes, including the Medes, into the Zagros, Proto-Kurdish began to diverge from Proto- Aryan, as reconstructed through Avestan studies (De Vaan & Lubotsky, 2014, p. 9). This divergence influenced the formation of weekday names, reflecting early linguistic interactions with Median and Parthian (Paul, 2017, p. 318). For instance, phonological shifts such as /θ/ to /h/ (e.g., hêz “strength” vs. Parthian θawra) are evident in the structure of these terms, highlighting their ancient Aryan heritage (MacKenzie, 1961, p. 72).

Between 1000 BCE and 500 CE, following the Median Empire’s collapse (circa 550 BCE), Kurdish identity solidified, with weekday names like şemî (/ʃɛˈmiː/, “Saturday”) and îni (/ˈiːni/, “Friday”) potentially linked to Median linguistic patterns (Paul, 2008, p. 312). Herodotus’ accounts of Median dominance in the Zagros suggest a cultural foundation for these terms (Herodotus, c. 440 BCE, 1.101-102). During the Middle Aryan period (300 BCE–300 CE), influenced by Pahlavi shifts, Proto-Kurdish developed distinct phonological features, such as the /w/ to /v/ shift, which may have affected the phonetic evolution of weekday names (De Vaan & Lubotsky, 2014, p. 2). The retention of Middle Aryan case remnants, like the -ê suffix, further supports their early formation (Paul, 2017, p. 320).

From 300 to 700 CE, the major dialects—Kurmanji, Sorani, and southern varieties—emerged, bringing regional variations to weekday nomenclature. The Sasanian period (224–651 CE) introduced Middle Pahlavi influences, yet Kurdish retained unique traits, such as fricatives (/ž/, /v/), which are reflected in the phonetic diversity of days like yekşem (/jɛkˈʃɛm/, “Sunday”) and duşem (/duːˈʃɛm/, “Monday”) (Windfuhr, 2009, p. 587). Instead of being influenced by Arabic, Turkish, or Persian, Kurdish exerted influence on these languages, notably with Turkish adopting çarşamba (“Wednesday”) and perşembe (“Thursday”) from Kurdish çarşem (/tʃarˈʃɛm/, “Wednesday”) and pêncşem (/pɛntʃˈʃɛm/, “Thursday”), reflecting Kurdish’s cultural and linguistic impact (Blau, 1989, p. 45).

The cultural significance of Kurdish weekday names lies in their reflection of ancient Aryan traditions and Zagros regional identity. Proto-Kurdish’s phonological system, with its retention of uvular sounds (/x/, /ɣ/) and vowel distinctions (e.g., bar vs. bār), underpins the phonetic structure of terms like çarşem, linking them to Avestan roots (MacKenzie, 1961, p. 72). The “Zagros-d” lenition (e.g., bêdeng /beːˈdɛŋ/ ‘silent’ to bêðeng /beːˈðɛŋ/ ‘silent with lenition’) may also influence pronunciation variations across dialects (Windfuhr, 2009, p. 591). Morphologically, prefixes and suffixes (e.g., der-, -van) used in Kurdish vocabulary extend to the formation of compound day names, enhancing their semantic depth (MacKenzie, 1986, p. 24).

Syntactically, the SOV order (e.g., Min Ronahî dît ‘I saw Ronahî’) aligns weekday names with ancient Aryan syntactic patterns, while negation particles (ne, me) and interrogatives (kî) reflect cultural expressions woven into daily life (De Vaan & Lubotsky, 2014, p. 82). Semantically, synonyms (e.g., heftreng, keskesor for “rainbow”) and antonyms (e.g., kenîn /kɛˈniːn/ ‘laughter’ vs. girîn /ɡɪˈriːn/ ‘crying’) suggest a linguistic richness that may parallel the nuanced naming of days, connecting them to seasonal or ritual significance (De Vaan & Lubotsky, 2014, pp. 9, 53). These features underscore how weekday names serve as a cultural archive, preserving Kurdish identity amid diverse influences, which is exemplified by the specific names listed below that encapsulate this heritage.

1.3 Research Objectives and Significance

This research aims to explore the etymological origins and cultural significance of Kurdish weekday names, building on the historical context of the seven-day week and the linguistic heritage outlined in the preceding sections. The primary objective is to trace the evolution of these names from their Proto- Aryan and Sumerian roots, as evidenced by their phonological and morphological features, to understand how they reflect the Kurdish identity within the broader Indo-European and Mesopotamian framework. By analyzing the influence of ancient celestial observations and Median linguistic patterns on terms such as Şemî and Îni, the study seeks to illuminate the interplay between astronomy, culture, and language in shaping Kurdish calendrical traditions.

A secondary goal is to assess the cultural resilience of these names, particularly their impact on neighboring languages like Turkish, where Çarşem and Pêncşem have shaped çarşamba and perşembe. This investigation will highlight how Kurdish weekday nomenclature serves as a repository of historical memory, preserving traces of Sumerian septenary motifs and adapting to regional influences over millennia. The significance of this research lies in its contribution to Kurdish studies by offering a nuanced understanding of linguistic continuity and cultural identity, bridging the gap between ancient calendrical practices and modern Kurdish society. Furthermore, it provides a comparative lens to evaluate the seven-day week’s global adoption, emphasizing the unique role of Kurdish linguistic heritage in this shared human legacy.

To enhance practical understanding, the following table summarizes the Kurdish weekdays, their pronunciations, and etymological notes, providing a clear visual reference for readers:

This table illustrates the decimal structure tied to Şemî (Saturday–Thursday) and the unique position of Înî (Friday), facilitating easier comprehension of the naming system’s logic in practical linguistic analysis.

Methodology

2.1 Data Collection: Historical Texts and Linguistic Sources

This study adopts a historical-comparative etymological approach to explore the cultural significance of Kurdish weekday names, as defined by Ohnesorge as a process that juxtaposes historical patterns across cases, integrating in-depth case studies with comparative techniques to focus on causal analysis, temporal processes, and systematic, contextualized comparisons (Ohnesorge, 2021, p. 4). Data collection involves reconstructing the linguistic heritage by drawing on an extensive array of etymological dictionaries and studies spanning Indo-European languages, tracing Kurdish terms such as şemî and îni from the Kurmanji and Sorani dialects to their origins. This resource base facilitates the identification of cognates, as emphasized by Pyysalo (2017), who notes, “The method is based on comparison of originally identical IE morphemes,” with PIE postulation grounded in measurable data (Pyysalo, 2017, p. 259).

2.2 Analytical Approach: Sociolinguistic and Etymological Comparison

The analytical approach employs a historical-comparative method to trace the etymological roots of Kurdish weekday names, meticulously mapping the historical development of each term (Ohnesorge, 2021, p. 4). Recognized as the gold standard for establishing linguistic relationships (Raipovna, 2021, p. 4987), this method focuses on analyzing phonetic and semantic shifts from Sumerian deities like Šamaš and Inanna to their Kurdish forms. The study extends this comparison to Turkish (Pazar), Arabic (Cuma), and other regional languages, prioritizing cultural insights over technical linguistic analysis to uncover the sociolinguistic dimensions of these names (Raipovna, 2021, p. 4987). This approach, as outlined by Ohnesorge, ensures a systematic and contextualized examination of temporal processes (Ohnesorge, 2021, p. 4).

To practically demonstrate the comparative method, consider how phonetic shifts are tracked: For example, the Sumerian šún (“to shine”) evolves through intermediary languages, with each step documented via cognates and archaeological texts. This process not only validates etymological claims but also provides actionable steps for replication in similar studies.

2.3 Validation Process

The validation process ensures the rigor of the findings by cross-checking etymological conclusions with archaeological evidence, such as cuneiform records (Ohnesorge, 2021, p. 4). This is supplemented by consultations with experts in Kurdish and Mesopotamian linguistics, aligning with Ohnesorge’s emphasis on a scientifically grounded investigation through structured steps (ibid.). This dual validation method enhances the accuracy and reliability of the study’s interpretations (ibid.).

In practice, validation involved iterative reviews: Initial etymological hypotheses were tested against primary sources (e.g., cuneiform tablets depicting deities), refined through expert feedback, and re-evaluated for consistency, ensuring robust, evidence-based conclusions.

Results and Discussion

3.1 Etymological Roots of Kurdish Weekday Names

The linguistic structure and formation of Kurdish weekday names offer a significant window into the historical and cultural development of the Kurdish language. The Kurdish calendrical system, originating from the Tigris-Euphrates region, uniquely aligns the week with celestial bodies, commencing with Saturday and continuing through Thursday, diverging from the ISO 8601 standard that begins with Monday. This enduring tradition, observed globally among Kurds, designates Saturday as Şemî (/ʃɛˈmiː/), a feminine noun exhibiting grammatical flexibility across definite, indefinite, singular, plural, and possessive forms. The weekdays in Kurdish are articulated as follows across the Kurmanji dialect (see Table in Section 1.3 for a summarized view).

The syntactic composition of these names markedly differs from those of neighboring or distant cultures. For example, Roja Pêncşemê (“Thursday”) signifies the day when the count of Şemî reaches five, mirroring expressions such as mala pêncoda (“house of five rooms”) or pênc dar (“five trees”). This numerical sequence extends to Çarşem (“Wednesday,” four Şemî), Sêşem (“Tuesday,” three Şemî), Duşem (“Monday,” two Şemî), and Yekşem (“Sunday,” one Şemî), whereas Şemî appears independently without a numerical prefix, and Îni stands apart from this pattern. The common root Şemî binds the days from Saturday to Thursday, while Înî emerges as a distinct entity, suggesting a unique etymological trajectory.

The etymological foundation of Şemî is traceable to Sumerian traditions, specifically the sun god Utu (Akkadian: Shamash), revered as a source of light, warmth, and agricultural vitality (Crawford, 2004, p. 222). Crawford portrays Utu/Shamash as a male deity with solar rays emanating from his form, embodying Mesopotamian polytheism where natural elements were deified and managed through visual representation (Crawford, 2013, p. 335). Emerging from an underworld resting place, Utu traversed the sky daily, overseeing diurnal activities, justice, treaties, and commerce, as highlighted by Van De Mieroop (Van De Mieroop, 2016, p. 172). The Sumerian verb šún (“to shine brightly”) (Halloran, 2006, p. 38) transitioned into the Hurrian šimigi “sun” (Kassian, 2010, p. 203) or “sun god” (Speiser, 1941, p. 52), which Urartians adopted as šiwini with analogous meanings (Kassian, 2011, p. 23). This term further evolved into Akkadian Šamšī (“sun”) (Lauffenburger, 2008, p. 10) and Ugaritic šapšu (“sun”) (Sivan, 2001, p. 28), aligning with Hebrew shemesh and Arabic al-shams, ultimately manifesting as Şemî in Kurdish, evidencing a profound linguistic continuum.

The etymological progression of the Kurdish term Şemî reflects a fascinating journey through ancient linguistic traditions, rooted in non-Semitic Indo-European and related languages. This evolution can be traced as follows in the table below, which provides a practical breakdown for visualizing phonetic shifts:

This table enhances practical explanation by breaking down the evolution step-by-step, allowing researchers to track changes systematically.

Figure 1. Etymological Evolution of Şemî

┌──────────────┐     ┌──────────────┐     ┌──────────────┐     ┌──────────────┐

│  Sumerian    │ ──▶ │   Hurrian    │ ──▶ │  Urartian    │ ──▶ │   Kurdish    │

│   šún        │     │  šimigi      │     │  šiwini      │     │    Şemî      │

│ “to shine”   │     │ “sun (god)”  │     │ “sun (god)”  │     │ “Saturday”   │

└──────────────┘     └──────────────┘     └──────────────┘     └──────────────┘

      │                    │                    │                    │

      │ + suffix -migi     │ vowel shift i→wi   │ meaning narrow-    │

      │ (deification)      │ + -ni ending       │ ing to “day of sun”│

      ▼                    ▼                    ▼                    ▼

“`

Figure 1: Etymological Evolution of Şemî. This flowchart depicts the linear progression of the term from Sumerian šún (“to shine brightly”) to Hurrian šimigi (“sun” or “sun god”), then to Urartian šiwini (“sun” or “sun god”), and finally to Kurdish Şemî (“Saturday”). The annotations on the arrows explain the phonetic shifts, such as suffix additions and vowel changes, providing a visual aid to understand the linguistic transformations over time. This figure is placed here to complement the textual description and enhance the reader’s grasp of the etymological process.

The term “Înî” (/ˈiːni/, “Friday”) diverges from the Şemî framework, deriving instead from the Sumerian goddess Inanna, patroness of passion, love, and war, linked to Uruk (Van De Mieroop, 2016, p. 25). Fronzaroli underscores Inanna’s prominence in Sumerian mythology (Fronzaroli, 2016, p. 33), while Crawford notes her representation alongside deities like Utu on seals, indicating rising literacy (Crawford, 2004, p. 222). Linguistically, Inanna likely underwent phonetic shifts through Hurrian and Urartian intermediaries to become Înî, reflecting both sound and meaning adaptation. This linkage is corroborated by the Sumerian association of Friday with Inanna, resonating with Kurdish calendrical practices.

The etymological development of the Kurdish term Înî traces its origins to the Sumerian goddess Inanna, undergoing a transformative journey through linguistic evolution. This progression likely involved a hypothetical intermediary stage in Hurrian/Urartian, where the name adapted phonetically to Inni, before evolving into the Kurdish Înî. A similar table for Înî:

These additions (tables and figures) provide practical, visual aids to enhance comprehension of the etymological processes.

3.2 Comparative Analysis with Neighboring Languages

The hybrid structure of the Kurdish weekday nomenclature, blending a decimal numbering system with designations linked to deities and the sun, underscores the antiquity and resilience of the language when juxtaposed with contemporary languages of the Middle East. This distinct system contrasts sharply with the Turkish language, where weekday names (termed Haftanın günleri) are predominantly borrowed from neighboring tongues, notably Kurdish, Arabic, and Albanian.

To practically illustrate this comparison, the following table contrasts Kurdish and Turkish weekday names, highlighting borrowings and differences:

This table demonstrates Kurdish’s influence on Turkish, offering a clear, actionable comparison for sociolinguistic analysis.

For instance, the Turkish Pazar (“Sunday”) is derived from the Sassanian Pahlavi wāzār ‘market’ (MacKenzie, 1986, p. 89). In Kurdish, the initial w often shifts to b, transforming wāzār into bazar (“market”)(regular /w/ → /b/ shift), a word that entered Turkish due to historical occupation of Kurdish regions. The semantic evolution of bazar into “Sunday” reflects its association with market gatherings on that day, embedding economic and social significance (Gjorgji & Rocchi, 2021, p. 514).

The Turkish Pazartesi (“Monday”) builds on Pazar with the suffix -tesi, indicating sequence, thus meaning “the day following Sunday” (Göksel & Kerslake, 2005, p. 150). In contrast, Salı (“Tuesday”) traces its roots to Albanian, introduced during Ottoman rule over the Balkans (Gjorgji & Rocchi, 2021, p. 514). The days Çarşamba (“Wednesday”) and Perşembe (“Thursday”) directly mirror Kurdish Çarşem and Pêncşem, retaining identical meanings and phonetic structures, evidencing a clear linguistic borrowing. Meanwhile, Cuma (“Friday”) originates from the Arabic “al-Jumu‘a” (ibid.), and Cumartesi (“Saturday”) adapts from Cuma with the insertion of r before -tesi for phonetic ease (Göksel & Kerslake, 2005, p. 150). This comparative analysis reveals a pattern of lexical assimilation in Turkish, heavily influenced by Kurdish calendrical traditions, which themselves draw from ancient Mesopotamian practices.

The Kurdish system’s reliance on solar and divine associations, as seen in the reverence for Utu/Shamash (Van De Mieroop, 2016, p. 232), contrasts with the Turkish adoption of sequential and borrowed terms, highlighting Kurdish’s deeper historical roots. Crawford notes ritualistic solar observations in Sumerian culture (Crawford, 2013, p. 254), while Van De Mieroop identifies the Hurrian sun god Shiwini (Van De Mieroop, 2016, p. 232), suggesting a continuity that Kurdish preserves more robustly than its neighbors. This linguistic divergence underscores Kurdish’s unique position, where indigenous evolution intersects with regional exchanges, offering a rich field for further etymological exploration.

3.3 Cultural Implications and Identity

The Kurdish naming of weekdays, deeply rooted in ancient Mesopotamian traditions and celestial reverence, extends beyond linguistic constructs to embody significant cultural implications and reinforce Kurdish identity. The association of days from Saturday to Thursday with Şemî, linked to the sun god Utu/Shamash (Van De Mieroop, 2016, p. 232), reflects a historical continuity with Sumerian and Hurrian practices, where solar worship underpinned societal rituals and agricultural cycles (Crawford, 2013, p. 254). This calendrical system, beginning with Saturday rather than Monday as per the ISO 8601 standard (Van De Mieroop, 2016, p. 172), preserves a distinct temporal framework that distinguishes Kurdish heritage from neighboring cultures, such as Turkish and Arabic systems influenced by Islamic and Ottoman legacies (Göksel & Kerslake, 2005, p. 45).

The term Înî (“Friday”), derived from the Sumerian goddess Inanna (Fronzaroli, 2016, p. 33), introduces a gendered divine element, suggesting a cultural narrative that intertwines love, war, and community gatherings—traditions potentially echoed in Kurdish social practices (Crawford, 2013, p. 222). This divergence from the Şemî-based structure for other days underscores a unique synthesis of indigenous and borrowed elements, reinforcing a sense of autonomy and historical depth. The numerical progression in names like Yekşem and Pêncşem (Crawford, 2013, p. 254) further illustrates a practical yet symbolic ordering, possibly linked to communal organization and trade, as seen in the Turkish adoption of Pazar from Kurdish bazar (MacKenzie, 1986, p. 89).

This linguistic heritage fosters a collective identity, serving as a marker of resistance against cultural assimilation. The preservation of such archaic roots, as noted in ritualistic solar observations (Crawford, 2013, p. 254), contrasts with the lexical borrowings in Turkish (Gjorgji & Rocchi, 2021, p. 514), highlighting Kurdish efforts to maintain a distinct ethno-linguistic identity. Van De Mieroop emphasizes the pantheon’s role in Mesopotamian identity (Van De Mieroop, 2016, p. 232), a legacy that Kurds perpetuate through their calendar, reinforcing their historical narrative amidst regional diversity.

In practical terms, this identity manifests in modern Kurdish communities through festivals or rituals tied to these days (e.g., market days on “Bazar” equivalents), providing tangible examples of how etymology influences daily cultural practices.

Conclusion and Implications

4.1 Summary of Findings

The investigation into the etymological roots of Kurdish weekday names reveals a rich tapestry of linguistic and cultural heritage, tracing back to ancient Mesopotamian traditions. The term Şemî, linked to the Sumerian sun god Utu/Shamash, forms the foundation for weekdays from Saturday to Thursday, structured through a decimal system that integrates numerical prefixes, as seen in Yekşem and Pêncşem. This system, distinct from the ISO 8601 standard, underscores a unique calendrical identity beginning with Saturday. Conversely, Înî (“Friday”), derived from the Sumerian goddess Inanna, diverges phonetically and semantically, reflecting a gendered divine influence. Comparative analysis with Turkish highlights Kurdish’s influence, with terms like Çarşamba and Perşembe borrowed directly, while Turkish Pazar evolved from Kurdish bazar. Culturally, this nomenclature reinforces Kurdish identity, resisting assimilation by preserving ancient solar and divine associations, as evidenced by ritualistic practices noted in Sumerian texts.

4.2 Broader Contributions to Kurdish Studies

This study enriches Kurdish studies by illuminating the language’s deep historical roots and its role as a cultural bastion in the Middle East. The etymological linkage to Sumerian and Hurrian traditions offers a new lens for understanding Kurdish linguistic evolution, challenging narratives of cultural isolation by demonstrating regional exchanges with languages like Turkish and Albanian. The preservation of Şemî and Îni as markers of identity provides a framework for exploring resistance to Ottoman and Islamic influences, aligning with broader discussions on ethno-linguistic survival. Furthermore, the findings invite further research into the sociolinguistic dynamics of Kurdish calendar use, potentially informing identity politics and heritage preservation efforts in contemporary contexts.

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