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Research studies

The Socio-Political Situation of Palestinian Women Under Occupation

 – Prepared by the researcher – Dr. DANYA M. O ALSHIAKHAHMED Supervised by: Dr.HUANG MINXING Professor  – Institute of Middle Eastern Studies THE NORTHWEST UNIVERSITY/CHINA

Democratic Arab Center

Journal of Political Science and Law : Twenty-Fourth Issue – October 2020

A Periodical International Journal published by the “Democratic Arab Center” Germany – Berlin

Nationales ISSN-Zentrum für Deutschland
ISSN 2566-8056
Journal of Political Science and Law
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Abstract 

This paper concentrates on the political and social role of the Palestinian woman under the Zionist occupation. The study concluded that the situation of the Palestinian woman is different than other women’s situation in Arabic countries, due to the different social and political circumstances. The Palestinian woman suffered and stills suffering from the reality of the Zionist occupation, as she is the fighter, the prisoner, the struggle and the martyr who gave so much for Palestine and The Palestinian cause. The Palestinian woman left her house in order to participate in social and national activities despite the constraints of Zionist coercive policies. In addition, she led national and militant manifestations, as she presented her social and political role through becoming an influential partner in the political life. The Palestinian woman was able to reach advanced leadership positions, and to achieve success at different levels towards prosperity and development. This was through enacting laws that guarantee equal rights for women as men, such as the Palestinian constitution, the Quota system and CEDAW convention. Women’s participation in the political life is essential to achieve the political and social system’s objectives which lead to independence.

Introduction:

Political participation is the basis of democracy and women’s role is important in the process of political participation as women naturally represent half of the society. The Palestinian woman was able to express her political opinion by being present along  men, by leading demonstrations and rallies and participating in awareness campaigns on the importance of political change in the Palestinian state.

Political participation of women

Politics: Formulates and reshapes social power relations and identifies any social group that dominates and controls the rest of the other social groups, politics also shapes social groups resources and public resources available in society.

The concept of empowerment in the political sphere is one of the latest concepts introduced by the modern women movements to expand and add to the concept of politics. This concept is seen as a process by which oppressed groups have some control over their lives by creating or engaging in activities and structures that allow them to participate more in aspects that directly affect their lives. This concept means to use of force not for the purpose of exercising it on others but to help those oppressed groups to govern themselves efficiently and to accelerate the process of change at the social level. This process also gets benefits and services of others or from the state. Based on this, the concept is linked to many activities and structures carried out by oppressed groups to strengthen themselves and affect a change in the social sphere – a core of politics[1].

There are factors that influence the increased political participation of Palestinian women. The Palestinian society seeks to achieve independence with a view of development. Political participation includes various social groups that make up the society, therefore it is vital to express women’s’ interests and aspirations and for these to be taken at the highest levels of decision-making and to set goals for achieving these interests and aspirations.

 Importance of the Research

The Palestinian woman is part and parcel of the development process, the international community is striving to empower women across the developmental process. The participation of Palestinian women in national, judicial and civil institutions and at the level of political decision-making and in political and cultural life are important indicators for women as there are part of the guaranteed international rights set in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and CEDAW.

International laws governing political action guarantee everyone the right to political participation irrespective of their demographic characteristics (gender, color, race). Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights stipulates that “every citizen has the right to take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives”. Article 7 of CEDAW stipulates that “States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the political and public life of the country ”. Article 8 of the same Convention further stipulates that “States Parties shall take all appropriate measures to ensure to women, on equal terms with men and without any discrimination, the opportunity to represent their Governments at the international level and to participate in the work of international organizations”.[2] (CEDAW 1979.2) (United Nations, Convention No. 03 0360793)

The Palestinian Constitution Article 9 stipulates that the Palestinians are equal before the law and the judiciary, regardless of race, sex, color, religion, political opinion or disability. Hence, the issue of the Palestinian women participation and their empowerment are vital in establishing the state and building its institutions to achieve independence through Palestinian women’s political rights per the Palestinian Constitution:

– The amended Palestinian law no 12 provides for full equality between the sexes and that there is no difference in rights and duties because of gender.

– Article 9 of the Constitution stipulates that Palestinians are equal before the law and the judiciary regardless of race, sex, color, religion, political opinion or disability.

Article (26):

* The right to form unions, syndicates, associations, organizations, clubs and grassroots organization per the law.

* The right to form and join political parties in accordance with the law.

* The right to vote and to run for election and the right to elect representatives by law.

* Holding special meetings without the presence of police officers and holding public meetings, processions and gatherings within the limits of the law.

* The right to hold public office and jobs on the basis of equal opportunities[3].

Aims of the Study :

– Analyze the roles and responsibilities of Palestinian women.

– Analyze the status of women in political and social life, both formal and informal.

– Focus on the participation of women in political and social life in light of the 1936 revolution and the Israeli occupation.

Research Methodology:

– Historical and descriptive and analytical approach.

The research problem

The extent of women’s participation in the political and social sphere under the occupation.

Literature review

The researcher reviewed previous studies, the most important studies were the following:

– The study of (kuttab ,Awwad of 2007)[4], with a title of “The Palestinian women’s movement”, aims to help the femenist movement in developing a joint program about general and common issues. The study focused on not to marginalize the countryside and the camps because the results of the study showed that there is a gap between the leading and basicity commissions in terms of knowledge and awareness.

– The study of (Alqam 2005)[5], titled “The history of the Palestinian national movement and the woman’s role in it”. The results were about the multiple roles played by women in the first intifada and the testimony of women who witnessed the event.

– The study of (Allan 2005)[6], titled “From the village to the camp”. The study aimed to reveal the role of rural Palestinian refugee women in the preservation of the family from 1948 to 1962. The results summarized that women played an active role in that period, but this role was marginalized by men, despite that women are the basic in keeping the family.

There is a point of convergence between the study of the researcher and previous studies, that women’s participation was effective in the national struggle during the first intifada. But after this period, women’s participation became through formal institutions such as committees and others, without their prominent leadership role as it was before the Oslo Agreement, such as the effective struggle participations. The point of disagreement with Allan study was that women were not marginalized from men because they were a symbol of the 1936 revolution against the British Mandate and the Israeli occupation.

Chapter Two: The role of Palestinian women’s struggle under the British Mandate and Israeli Occupation

It has become common in literature when dealing with the role of women in society, especially in politics not to isolate this role from the influence of colonialism as well as nationalism as major elements affecting women especially in third world countries. The effects of colonialism on women are summed up as follows: the delay of social struggle because of the dominance of the national cause against social struggles. Colonialism also strengthens inequality between various social, racial and religious gaps (divide and conquer strategy). Colonialism also controls the prevailing cultural values system with the aim of using what establishes the relationship of hegemony and subordination, it creates confusion, and degrades what stands in the face of this hegemony. These factors, in turn, impede women’s awareness of themselves and impedes the consideration of the national struggle as a culmination of all types of oppression be it political or social, especially those that negatively affect women’s situation. In the Palestinian society, women are not only impeded by the role of the Israeli occupation.

The political role of women in the British mandate was clear. There is a clear gap between what the women’s political elite organizations in the cities focused on ways to resist the Zionist movement and the British mandate and the role of women in the rural areas- the main revolution center after 1933. For the elite’s focus was a role of relief and protest writing petitions and hosting demonstrations in the cities in addition to following up on prisoners.

The role of women in the countryside was different. It focused on strengthening the role of revolutionaries, prolonging the duration of the armed revolution, building barriers, supplying mountain fighters with food supplies, exploring where the enemy sites were based. Additionally, women were not reluctant  to defend their villages and families by throwing stones at the soldiers from their rooftops, which lead to killing a number of women by these forces. Women in the countryside also participated in protests, demonstrations and military activities.

The role of women has continued especially in the cities since the 1948 defeat, where dozens of charities have been established in various cities. This time it was not to recruit women in the political struggle based on the national cause at the time but to help save the community from a total political and social collapse. During this period several associations emerged to care for orphans and displaced persons as well as the refugees and displaced persons from their former villages. The programs focused on providing health and education services for women and the family, with a greater emphasis on raising the level of education among females.

The Palestinian woman played a vital role- as reported in the media during the Intifada- women participated in the violent demonstrations that characterized the uprising in its early stages, when Israeli soldiers shot many of them dead.

The role of Palestinian women in the 1936 revolution

 providing supplies

Women in the villages sent food and drink to the rebels in the mountains and sometimes transported military equipment. One of these methods was to put the gunpowder in the piles of wood, carried by the women on their heads to the rebels.

The role of women in the rural area was within the economic framework, as the revolution was of an economic and agricultural infrastructure. With the participation of many men in the revolution Palestinian women became the main productive force, especially under the punitive English measures aimed at destroying of food stocks and raising grain prices. Women are the main agricultural force and a major source of supply for the revolutionaries. The role played by Palestinian women in the 1936 revolution is a production line and a seamless supply of arms for the revolutionaries.[7]

 supporting role

Palestinian Women used to sing as a form of hidden resistance. This pattern was linked to the support of the direct war effort, the song was a device to pass messages between the detainees in the Atlit prison and the rebels in the mountains. Song was used in order to respond to some of the British abuse mechanisms especially the use of Palestinians as human shields. The women used to sing to warn the rebels against some military convoys that have taken Palestinian civilians as shields .[8]

The women practiced revolutionary work in the public space by endorsing  revolutionary discourse in schools, seminars and places of worship. The work of women did not stop at moral support for the revolutionaries, but was followed by demonstrations where women led the marches such as the demonstration led by Rabab al-Husseini in Gaza in 1936 despite the conservative social atmosphere of Gaza . [9]

 the role of intelligence communication

The women in cities were carrying news about the army forces stationed in the cities and passing the information to women in the countryside. Country women would then  take this information and deliver it to the rebels in the mountains. The women’s role was an endless loop, where women’s role was not only about sharing intelligence but also creating a network of communication and information.

Military role

The women in the countryside had a great attachment to the arms. Women would hide and maintain the weapons as if they were one of their children. The nature of the Palestinian countryside, which is rich in areas of natural shelters, has played a major role in facilitating the work of women supporting the resistance. Often women hid weapons of resistance in the houses’ gardens between wheat or in the wells. Some women sometimes hid weapons in their loose clothes, this role was not limited to rural women, but women in the cities had some role in hiding weapons from the eyes of the British soldiers.

Those who follow the events of the revolution note that a good number of assassinations of traitors were done by women. For example Shamsa, a well-known milk seller in Haifa was famous for her good looks. When she sold milk in Haifa she had a gun. She hid the pistol in her chest-pocket, she moved selling the milk and when it was needed, she would hand the pistol to the person concerned and he would shoot the person who is wanted. Shamsa would then hide the pistol in her chest, the people would flee and she would continue to shout and offer milk for those around.[10]

The Nakba of 1948

This situation at this stage reflected on the socio-economic nature on many of the activities carried out by women, the most prominent of which was the formation of women’s associations, which had a role in providing orphanages and relief for the affected families namely providing food, water, housing and clothing. A popular women’s organization was established in 1965 under the name of the General Union of Palestinian Women. The Union’s aim was to organize the social and political situation among the women in the occupied homeland. With the formation of this system, the role of women extended to include national and social work. This comes after the formation of the PLO and its awareness of the importance of women’s participation in the workforce be it political or social.

Despite all the international resolutions and the world’s preoccupation with the return of the refugees to their homes, Israel was controlling more land by confiscating and seizing land by force through wars, surprising the world by the 1967 war “Naksa”or setback[11].

The Naksa “setback”- 1967

At this stage, the role of women was significantly clear, as she faced resiliently on the ground, just like all men, which gave women a sense of the importance of their presence within the political frameworks and organizations. The formation of women’s frameworks began with the decision of the Palestinian factions in 1978 in agreement with the leaders of the women’s movement. This decision was made to assure that women from the different parties in all their places of residence, whether the countryside or the city or camp are part of the movement. This was to assure that the segments of society are engaged without having a certain focus on one segment of the society at the expense of another. Women then were active in various areas of life, politically, socially, culturally, health sector and the national[12].

The 1987 Intifada:

The Intifada allowed space for women to participate on both the social and political levels. In the past, only active women participated in politics. With the deterioration of living conditions, the high rate of Israeli violations and the increasing Israeli sanctions, women’s participation increased either by throwing stones or organizing demonstrations. Women played a role of self-sufficiency by establishing cooperatives in order to provide the materials that were scarce due to the sanctions. The importance of the Intifada was prominent; women’s role was effective and integrated- it cast down the traditional sensitivity to the role and controls placed on women. The formal differences between women and men in public action dissipated, it gave women a prominent and advanced role that men can not fulfil, for example, when the soldiers would try to arrest children and youth in villages, camps and cities and women freed them from the hands of soldiers. The heroic role played by Palestinian women in the Intifada has been the same since the occupation of the Palestinian people women alongside of the men in every location and time. In 1983. There were four women’s fractions representing four political organizations and these became a platform for women in political frameworks. In 1987, the number of fractions was six. There were large numbers of women in these fractions, which spread in the cities, villages and camps, providing services to the Palestinian public and thus they gained the trust of the community in which they were present.

The Second Intifada 2000-2005

Expanding popular education in the camps and cities, setting up civilian clinics to treat the wounded as a result of the enemy’s attacks, going to universities and schools from alternative roads, plowing the land and securing the family’s livelihood and carrying out commando operations in Jerusalem and the West Bank was a summation of the role of women during Al Aqsa Intifada.

Chapter Three: The official political work of Palestinian Women

– Women in decision-making positions

Women’s political participation and decision-making were the main pillars of the national strategy for the advancement of Palestinian women, with the aim of promoting democratic life in civil society institutions and ensuring equal opportunities for women to participate in building the Palestinian society alongside men across all fields and levels.

The National Gender Strategy has identified three aspects of women’s participation political life. These are the general national role of Palestinian women in achieving the rights of the Palestinian people to independence, freedom and the establishment of their independent state.

– The Palestinian Women Movement (Women’s Charitable Associations, General Federation of Palestinian Women)

This movement provides a variety of services to women, the various organizational forms reflects a different diversity in terms of goals, programs and vision, in addition to awareness and knowledge of the needs of women in their various locations.

Women’s Charitable Associations

Most of these associations are based in the West Bank rather than in the Gaza Strip. Some of these associations were founded in the early 1920s and others were founded in the mid-1990s. A number of these associations still serve and a big number is being founded to date. The objectives of these associations vary between providing services to different groups, be it widows, the disabled, the ill, the poor, sons of martyrs and detainees. Providing maternal and child health services, caring for chronic diseases, dental care, physiotherapy, etc.

During the Palestinian uprising Intifada that began in December 1987, these associations branched and included work with the victims of the Intifada: those who were disabled, the wounded and families of martyrs. These associations also work to provide productive services such as embroidery, straw-products (hats, baskets..etc), as well as providing vocational training and illiteracy services. These associations work on raising awareness of health, food sector and legal concerns for women[13].

General Federation of Palestinian Women

It was founded in 1964 as a grassroots of the Palestine Liberation Organization. It was founded on the initiative of the women themselves, especially those working at the time in various charitable societies. The Federation seeks mainly to organize and mobilize the Palestinian energies to achieve national democratic liberation. The objectives of the Union are in article 4, with 13 items as follows :

These goals are proposed to be shortened in the draft new bylaws at the beginning of 1998, which aims to strengthen the unity of the women’s movement in Palestine , in a step to organize women’s efforts and mobilize their energies to achieve the following:

* Arrive at the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to return, self-determination and the embodiment of the State of Palestine with Jerusalem as its capital.

* Enhancing the role of women in society and increasing their contribution to the comprehensive development process and building the institutions of the State of Palestine through coordinating and unifying the women’s efforts in the different fields of wor

* Struggle to achieve equality between women and men in rights and duties in line with the provisions of the Declaration of Independence declared by the Palestinian National Council at its nineteenth session in 1988.  By enhancing the role of women in political, social, economic and development decision-making positions.

* To highlight the personality of Palestinian women by engaging them in all fields of political, social and developmental work at various levels be it in the Arab or the international levels and finally to sensitize women to exercise their rights gained by their long struggle and defend their interests.

The political goals came to match the reality on the ground after the General Secretariat of the Union returned to the homeland, as well as the focus on the developmental goals required to build the Palestinian Authority. These goals were reflected strongly in the Union’s contribution in formulating the national strategy for Palestinian women, endorsed on the 14th of June 1997 in Ramallah.[14]

– Palestinian women and the Palestinian Authority (the role of women politically after the Oslo agreement and its impact on women’s movement, women and elections at the organizational level)

Oslo: From 1991 until now

The Oslo Accords led to issues in the Palestinian political structure that had been previously defined. The political fractions that rejected these Accords suspended their  membership in the Palestine Liberation Organization and boycotted the decision-making bodies associated with them (the PFLP and the Democratic Front withdrew from the Executive Committee) The entry of the historical leadership of the organization into the homeland led that the homeland became a center for decision-making and action, which also led to the further marginalization of the role of the Palestine Liberation Organization as representative of the Palestinian people in all its places of residence. This meant that after the first Palestinian legislative elections the process of representing the Palestinian people became internal to cover representation of the Palestinian people living in the occupied Palestinian territories, which was dangerous to those living in the Disapora. This split caused by the Oslo Accords in Palestinian political construction left its traces not only on the PLO but

also on the Palestinian parties affiliated with it, and left its traces on the general vision that the organization was taking with regard to the fateful decisions, which was called (the national consensus) this situation left effects on everyone, including women and the feminist/women movement.

Oslo and its impact on the women’s movement

One of the most important effects of these agreements on women in general and women’s movement in particular was provoking a strong debate about the relation of the national tasks in comparison to the social tasks. The state-building process requires participation and work to involve women in the development process to benefit from the results, as well as in reviewing the legal framework governing this process. A number of institutions and  women centers were heavily involved in the process of reviewing the past laws and also the foundations of policies that will be applied. Yet, the occupation exists, which requires the continuation of the efforts of  women organizations to continue to resist the occupation and develop a list of demands and objectives. This means the development of new resistance mechanisms for settlement expansion and collective punishment policies, in particular the demolition of houses, the razing of villages and the disruption of the geographic distribution of the Palestinians, in addition to confronting the policies in Jerusalem namely confiscation of identity from the Arab population and high taxes imposed on Arab nationals[15].

The controversy of this debate intensified after the return of a number of women leaders of the General Federation of Palestinian Women from the diaspora. This debate settled down as soon as these women received a number of positions in the Palestinian Authority, forcing everyone to direct efforts to various areas of development work away from working to organize the masses and engage women in the national struggle. There is no doubt that the organized and directed efforts to organize the tasks of the national struggle against the occupation, whether from the women movement or from the other social movements have witnessed a significant decline after the signing of the Oslo Accords and the arrival of the Palestinian Authority to the homeland. When comparing the women movement, which has come a long way in unifying feminist vision with another movement such as the labor movement,  we find that there is a difference between development in each of them. The labor movement, for example, is still looking for common rules to unite itself for instance with – the existence of a union for each political faction as it was for women’s organizations before Madrid agreements. The labor movement in Palestine has not yet come to a clear idea of the demands that would steer it from facing the occupation.  This is the same sort of criticism directed at the women movement, despite the severe situation in which thousands of Palestinian workers live because of the structural dependence of the Israeli economy, the movement is not effective at the level of the national struggle either.

Oslo led to a decline in the popularity of the political parties that had formed the body of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the most important of which are the radical changes in the vision of these parties on how to liberate Palestine.

Women and elections at the organizational level

The legislative elections tried to reflect the voice and noise of the women’s movement and organizational weakness at the same time. It showed weakness of the women’s movement which went into the elections disorganized as a result of the factors that have already been explained. The opposition women’s movement boycotted the elections and voted in the final moments to support the democratic party’s candidates. The General Federation of Women did not take a clear position in the beginning, and this was changed when the head of the branch Ms. Samiha Khalil decided to run for the presidency. Considering strong opposition was present within the Federation for this nomination, the position for or against elections was not clear, especially among the women of the charities. The branch of headed by Khalil is classified politically as close to the rejectionist front. Thus, Khalil’s last minute announcement of candidacy for presidency weakened the possibility of organizing women and even the base of the Federation to support her candidacy more effectively.

The political body, which worked to prepare itself fairly well, was the Women’s Affairs team as it is a coordinating body between three frameworks in addition to some women’s rights center. The team relied mainly on the rest of the women base and some women laborers to implement the programs and projects of the three women’s frameworks (social work, working women and women in the labor force) as well as the base of the three political parties (Fateh, Fida, Hizeb Al-Sha’ab). The Women’s Affairs team relied on the public [both men and women] while also proving efficient with communication, influence and pressure on the leaders of the various parties to pressure parties to nominate many women candidates and to introduce women’s issues and needs in their programs. The Women’s Affairs’ team also worked to motivate women through a number of different publications and booklets to register and vote independently of the family and clan ties. This has contributed to an increase in the number of women participating in elections in general[16].

Being part of the executive power

Employed women in the public sector civil comprise 11.6% of the general directors grade A4 and above compared to 88.4% for men at the same grade, 43.4% of civil public sector employees are women in Palestine compared with 5.6% for men

Table: women and men employed in the civil public,section in Palestine by job title,2018[17]

Job title Palestine
Female Male Both sexes
Deputy minister A1 3 41 44
Undersecretary assistant A2 5 77 82
General director A3 9 117 136
General director A4 77 557 634
Director A,B,C 1.473 4.550 6.023
Employee grade 1-10 36.596 44.209 80.805
No stated 100 442 542
Total 38.273 49.993 88.266

 

– Election results and their impact on the Palestinian political system and women’s movement

1- The Quota system and the Legislative Council 2002

It is a system that is used to eliminate the gap in gender equality in political life, especially in representative councils. In addition, it aims to encourage women to practice politics and address the problem of exercising their legal right to representation equally with men. The Quota system aims to strengthen society’s culture of belief in women’s capacities to play their role in political representation on the one hand and avoid wasting their energies and potential while on the other hand the system allocates and grants a quota or seats for women in elected bodies and this share can be up to 20% or 30% or 40% .[18]

Women’s movements, civil society organizations and the Ministry of Women’s Affairs considered that the call for quotas in the elections guaranteed fair participation and preserve the right of women’s participation by allocating a minimum quota of 20% of the quota allocated to the Legislative Council, thus urging political forces and parties to include women candidates’ on their election lists with a percent of no less than 30%

Women in the PLC 1996-2006[19]

total Female Male Year
88 5 83 1996
132 17 115 2006

The results of the 2006 elections showed the importance of a proportional representation law that includes the presence of women in decision-making positions, forcing parties and political currents to choose women for these posts. Regional differences were not significant in the number of women elected between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, that being a 12.1% and a 14.9% respectfully. Gaza Strip is known to be more conservative towards women’s participation. However, the law required parties, including Hamas, to choose women, which meant that the nature of a conservative society cannot keep up when legal provisions binds it with a quota percentage law.[20]

Role of the Committee for the Development of Women’s Participation in Elections

The Committee for the Development of Women’s Participation in the Elections was formed in 2003, as a follow-up to matters relating to the quota and elections with the participation of a committee that consisted of many women’s centers such as the General Federation of Women the Ministry of Women’s Affairs and Local Government. The Commission has worked on several matters:

First: worked on influencing political life and decision-making.

Second: Expand the participation of women in all legislative institutions and local bodies by supporting women candidates in the elections.

Third : Networking with private institutions on gender issues.

Forth Networking with decision-making institutions at the Palestinian Legislative Council.

Election results and their impact on the Palestinian political system and women’s movement

– The elections came in order to consolidate the concept of public responsibility and democratic competition.

– The women’s movements came to a conclusion that political organization such as the political party is more capable of supporting women and embracing their demands for change in terms of legislation or policies.

– The elections showed that having women in organizations is not enough to fight the political power in society. A large percentage of female candidates did not run for elections only because they are leaders in women’s organizations, but because they are members of political parties and women’s organizations. Candidates were favored on party basis and not on a feminist basis.[21]

Conclusion:

 The involvement of women in the national movement has helped women leaders with experience at work, it lead to more women participation in the national struggle, which increased the opportunity to participate in the political process and elections.  The history and struggle of Palestinian women in participation in both the political and national struggle is still in the face of challenges to the practices of the occupation. Women have made quite a few achievements on the levels of political, national and legislative decision-making, which showed flexibility and responsiveness to some of the requirements of the women’s movement.  There is a responsibility on political parties for without proper attention to women’s issues of national and community struggle there would be a great gap and limits political participation and participation in public life and loss of public confidence.

Results

-The Palestinian woman’s participation in the national level and the political life has a great role in the Palestinian resistance to the Israeli challenges, and woman’s participation in decision making.

-Increasing the representation of Palestinian women in the ministerial, local and legislative councils and higher management in the government system, which leads to making important decisions in the process of social, political and national development.

-The Oslo Accords led to the organizational decline in the work programs and strategies of various women’s organizations, with the collapse and decline of the intellectual and organizational structure of a number of political parties. This influenced the rules of feminist frameworks to which they were politically linked, for example, social solidarity in the Palestinian social institutions and organizations established after the Oslo Accords was not highly efficient and effective, as it lacked efficiency, integrity and national sense, compared to institutions and social organizations in the period of the first intifada, as a support for the Palestinian revolution and as a help for the families of martyrs and prisoners.

Recommendations

-Enhance the role of women in national parties and institutions with the support of the the Palestinian government by planning and making a strategic vision in the democratic revolutionary struggle to ensure the effective participation of women, especially after the Oslo Accords that led to imposing unjust laws which has restricted the rights of women and prisoners, and others. Also, to activate its participation in international diplomatic representation, which enhances its position in international bodies and represents its performance towards the Palestinian cause and Palestinian woman.

-Work on developing laws that regulate the work of Palestinian social institutions, so that they make them more transparent, effective and to ensure the implementation of Palestinian laws which support the Palestinian woman.

References:

– Abdel-Hadi, Fayha, Roles of Palestinian Women in the 1930s: The Political Contribution of Palestinian Women, Al-Bireh (Palestinian Women’s Research and Documentation Center),Palestine: 2005

-Allan, Rabiha, from the village to the camp, first edition, Association for the revitalization of the family beer, Palestine 2005

– Al-Araj, Basil , The Cultural Movement in Palestine: The Arab Revolution as a Model, Birzeit, The Palestinian Museum.2015

– Amended Palestinian Constitution,Issued in Ramallah on March 18, 2003, Yasser Arafat/ Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Chairman of the Palestinian National Authority,https://www.bal.ps/law/basic_law.

– Empowering Palestinian Women and the Charter of the Palestinian State (Role and Reality), Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Palestine: 2012.P3

– Feminist Studies Committee. Directory of Palestinian Women’s Institutions, Bisan Center for Research and Development, 1993

– General Federation of Palestinian Women, General Secretariat, 1985, Basic Bylaws and Regulations endorsed at the Fourth General Conference of the General Union of Palestinian Women in Tunis, , 1985

– Higher Committee for Local Elections 2004, Local Council Elections, Phase I

– kuttab, Eileen, Abu Awwad, Nidaa, The Palestinian Women’s Movement: Methodological, Conceptual and Theoretical Issues, Institute of Women’s Studies, Journal of Women’s Studies 4, Birzeit University, Palestine 2007

-Kadora-Khartabil,Wadi’a ,Search for Hope and Homeland: Sixty Years of Struggle of a Woman for the Question of Palestine Beirut, Besan Publishing and Distribution, 1995

– Nabil, Alqam, History of the Palestinian National Movement and the Role of Women in it, Center for Studies of Palestinian Heritage and Society, Association for the Promotion of the Family Al-Bireh – Palestine 2005

– Palestinian Women and Participation in (Official Policy) – General Directorate of Planning and Policies – Ministry of Women, Palestine:2005

– Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, Women and Men in Palestine Issues and Statistics, State of Palestine, 2018.

-Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, Women and Men in Palestine Issues and Statistics, State of Palestine, 2013.

– Shib, Hadi , Women Parliamentarians under the Quota System Of Women Parliamentary, Berlin – Germany Arab Democratic Center,2017

– Union of Palestinian Women’s Committees, a study on the reality of women in Palestinian leftist political parties and their impact on the rise of political Islam, Palestine:2017

– Women and Politics: Institute of Women’s Studies – Birzeit University. 2000.

– United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women No. 60793-03

[1] – Women and Politics: Institute of Women’s Studies – Birzeit University. 2000. P. 10.

[2] CEDAW 1979.2,United Nations, Convention No. 03 0360793,P10

[3] Amended Palestinian Constitution,

[4] kuttab, Abu Awwad, The Palestinian Women’s Movement: Methodological, Conceptual and Theoretical Issues, Institute of Women’s Studies, Journal of Women’s Studies 4, Birzeit University, Palestine 2007, p. 11, p. 12

[5] Alqam, History of the Palestinian National Movement and the Role of Women in it, Center for Studies of Palestinian Heritage and Society, Association for the Promotion of the Family Al-Bireh – Palestine 2005, p. 3

[6] Allan, from the village to the camp, first edition, Association for the revitalization of the family beer, Palestine 2005 p 2

[7] Abdel-Hadi, Fayha (2005), Roles of Palestinian Women in the 1930s: The Political Contribution of Palestinian Women, Al-Bireh (Palestinian Women’s Research and Documentation Center),Palestine: 2005,P33-34

[8] Khartabil ,Search for Hope and Homeland: Sixty Years of Struggle of a Woman for the Question of Palestine Beirut, Besan Publishing and Distribution, 1995,P8,

[9] Abdel-Hadi, Fayha (2005), Roles of Palestinian Women in the 1930s: The Political Contribution of Palestinian Women, Al-Bireh (Palestinian Women’s Research and Documentation Center),Palestine: 2005,P46,p49-52

[10] Al-Araj, 2015, The Cultural Movement in Palestine: The Arab Revolution as a Model, Birzeit, The Palestinian Museum.,p107

[11] Union of Palestinian Women’s Committees, a study on the reality of women in Palestinian leftist political parties and their impact on the rise of political Islam, Palestine:2017,P17

[12] Empowering Palestinian Women and the Charter of the Palestinian State (Role and Reality), Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Palestine: 2012.P3

[13] Feminist Studies Committee. Directory of Palestinian Women’s Institutions, Bisan Center for Research and Development, 1993,P7

[14] General Federation of Palestinian Women, General Secretariat, 1985, Basic Bylaws and Regulations endorsed at the Fourth General Conference of the General Union of Palestinian Women in Tunis, , 1985 ,P3

[15] Women and Politics: Institute of Women’s Studies Op.Cit. ,PP46-47

[16] Women and Politics: Institute of Women’s Studies. , Op.Cit P46-47 .p51

[17] Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, Women and Men in Palestine Issues and Statistics, State of Palestine, 2018.P58,59

[18] Shib, Hadi 2017, Women Parliamentarians under the Quota System Of Women Parliamentary, Berlin – Germany Arab Democratic Center,P29-P30.

[19] Higher Committee for Local Elections 2004, Local Council Elections, Phase I

[20] Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, Women and Men in Palestine Issues and Statistics, State of Palestine, 2013,p131

[21] Palestinian Women and Participation in (Official Policy) – General Directorate of Planning and Policies – Ministry of Women, Palestine:2005,P16-P17

الوسوم

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المركز الديمقراطي العربي مؤسسة مستقلة تعمل فى اطار البحث العلمى والتحليلى فى القضايا الاستراتيجية والسياسية والاقتصادية، ويهدف بشكل اساسى الى دراسة القضايا العربية وانماط التفاعل بين الدول العربية حكومات وشعوبا ومنظمات غير حكومية.

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