Prepared by the researcher : Dr. Ali Abdul Mohsen Karim Al-Baghdadi – Imam Al-Kadhum College (IKC)
Democratic Arab Center
Journal of Afro-Asian Studies : Fifteenth Issue – November 2022
A Periodical International Journal published by the “Democratic Arab Center” Germany – Berlin.
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The research revolves around the democratic experience in Iraq, where we evaluate the experience, how it originated, and the outputs of the origin, to reach a realistic assessment of this experience, which followed authoritarian regimes, the problem of the study is to understand, analyze and evaluate the democratic experience in Iraq after 2003 to 2018.In this research the process of analysis and evaluation was carried out. The importance of the study comes from the importance of the Iraqi event and the popular and political movement, and the return of political and party pluralism to Iraq. The aim of the study appears after evaluating the experiment, it gives us a clear picture of what is going on in Iraq and the future horizon. The determinants and horizon of the study are not on Iraq, it is not isolated from the regional and international environment.
This study comes as a continuation of the project that we embarked on in 1999, whose research saw the light of day in 2011, this study was preceded by three consecutive studies, and according to the cognitive and intellectual maturity of the researcher, the first study, entitled (Approaches in the Philosophical Foundations of State Theory), which was issued in 2011, dealt with an analytical study of the text of Mirza Muhammad Hussein Al-Naini and Al-Moussum (Alerting the Nation and Honoring the Mullah) with a comparison and approach between the texts of Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws) and Jean-Jacques Rousseau (Social Contract). This study was not so much a framing of what has come to be known as political Islam, so much as an approach between texts that I assume are conceptually very similar, as Mirza al-Naini put it in the preface to his aforementioned book. (Naini, 1999) (Baghdadi,2011) While the second and tagged study (critical readings in philosophy, state, religion society) in which we researched and in a different way from the first study, the state as a philosophy and structure, as well as religion as a guidance and not as a state, as well as the structure of Iraqi society, and the influence of tribal and religious references on its behavior, decisions and even daily life, as the most powerful actors in the Iraqi political arena at this time, and the study also discussed, The structure of government and state institutions, in a very codified and realistic way, is a development, a complement and a continuation of the first study.
The third study continued to expand to the study of the factors influencing Iraq, whether regional or international, and the study focused on the American factor, and the influence of Orientalism in the formation of the stereotype of the East in general, but did not address the structure or philosophy of the state, but took a new direction in the study of influence factors.
As for this study, it is considered the fruit of the previous integration, if it will discuss two directions, the first is the evaluation of the democratic experience in Iraq, from 2003 to 2018, as a first part, and then moves on to develop a new philosophy of the state, based on the codification of knowledge, intellectual and positivist for a rational republic, which we hope will be established in Iraq, and how it is prepared, as a second part of this study, Perhaps one of the main questions is, is the republic now in Iraq irrational,?, and what are the elements of a rational republic,?, and what political rationality is required,?, There may be dozens, even hundreds of crucial questions that this study must answer the tasks from, which form the backbone of any political philosophy that wants to build a rational state, and therefore what is the need to evaluate an experience that has been judged by International actors have failed, and even many citizens have condemned this experiment to failure?, and this failure is it for the experiment or for those who are in charge of it, politicians and others? And why insist on continuing this theorizing of a failed state like the state in Iraq? Perhaps the real problem lies not only in Iraq, but also in the post-Ottoman Empire countries in the form and structure of the political system on which they were founded, as the modern countries formed after the First World War, or what are known as the Mandate countries, suffered a lot from political childhood and the lack of clarity of the strategic vision of construction, development and good governance, the theses adopted by these countries, as a constructive philosophy, were imported from a world far removed from our world, Culturally, socially, economically and religiously, while Arabs and Muslims in general suffer from the deterioration of the political, economic, social and environmental conditions in their countries, they were asked to build their states on top of this rubble of problems left by the Ottoman Empire.
According to a Western vision represented by the elements of Western modernity, whether at the cognitive, cultural, economic and even social level!?, which introduced governments and peoples into the contradictions and labyrinths of identity and the existential struggle to prove oneself, and even the national variable that appeared in the late forties of the twentieth century was not an Arab innovation, but an idea imported from Europe that was projected on the main Arab issue, I mean the issue of identity, The diaspora, the loss of identity and the absence of key issues in development, economy and politics, and their replacement by worn-out and miserable issues, have made the Arab countries as peoples in the wind, and vulnerable to the constant attacks of the West on them, they are like the Virgin who was raped by the King from her husband on the night of her wedding, to fulfill his animal desire to realize his royal right over the parish?!, and this view is further entrenched after the oil discoveries in the region of the Arabian Peninsula and its north, An important question was raised in the West how can barbarians (Arabs) control these huge wealth.
To re-emerge the saying of white supremacy and ethnic concentration strongly, and for the West to establish the saying that Arabs own and we manage, this tendency has generated a feeling of inferiority and inferiority towards the West, and has been further reinforced by corruption, ignorance, nepotism, sectarianism and tribalism that are abundant in Arab societies, such as the high intensity of centuries of decadence, this frustration and sense of inferiority and inferiority in front of others, reinforced by the policy of repression used by dictatorial regimes in the Arab world, Which threatened the existence of the Arab people as a whole through internal and border wars that ate green and dry, and proxy wars from the West, and these wars are still raging and continuing to this day, these wars can not end, unless all the reactionary and repressive regimes in our Arab world are eliminated, and economic, human and political development begins, as key factors for change towards the rational republic, to which the peoples of the Arab world aspire, But also the countries of the Muslim world that are already late for the same reasons as the Arab world, Hence this study came as a continuation of a project I mentioned earlier, and as a promotion of the desired development in our conflicting and crumbling world on itself and on others, when we evaluate our experience is in fact Joani’s criticism of this experience, and an attempt to strengthen its values and correct its mistakes and lapses, and even change it for the better if we need that change, the opportunity that the Iraqis have got especially does not miss, and in order not to miss it we have to plan and think in a scientific, practical and realistic way, For State Building and the establishment of a rational republic, which is based on development and ages, whether human, economic or even political, and to reach this development we have to re-read our experience, correct it and even change it if it is necessary as we mentioned earlier, you change with your hand better than others change you, which is a harsh experience “external change” that we do not want to repeat now or in the future.
The process of rational building of the state, or rationalizing governance, may be difficult to achieve and its path is completely unpaved, because of the advanced systems it contains that are difficult for reactionaries and corrupt people to accept, so labor will be difficult for the birth of this awaited republic, and perhaps it will take a long time and great sacrifices, the transition from chaos to order, from corruption to adulthood and from sabotage to reconstruction, is not an easy thing but it is not impossible. The experience of Singapore, Japan and Germany as models of good governance prompts us to work and think seriously about turning the annoying swamp of mosquitoes and the den of deadly snakes into a beautiful orchard that pays off for its people, and this thing comes only with the rationalization of governance. This is where this study begins.
The problem of the study: – I do not deny that this experience, I mean this study, is very difficult and complicated, perhaps it will present opinions that contradict the adopters of many political and academic elites, and perhaps even simple people, because the transformation in Iraq in 2003, and the repercussions that followed on the region, was not an event that goes unnoticed, but I find myself legally and morally binding, In the research of this stage, in which the focus will be on Iraq, without losing sight of the impact of the Iraqi experience on the region, one of the hypotheses of this study, which he insisted, is the impact of the nascent democratic experience in Iraq, on the whole region, and the revolutions of the Arab Spring, but an echo of this great experience, there are many claims that the revolutionary experiences in the region are the result of external intervention.
Even indirectly, but if we exclude Iraq, the experience of Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen and Bahrain was purely national.despite all the attempts to interfere in its affairs, it was thwarted, while we find that the experience of Libya and Syria was through Arab and Western external intervention, but what happened did not take into account the circumvention of the new Libyan leadership and the historical Syrian leadership on this intervention, the result was civil wars in Libya, Syria and Yemen, and terrorism in them and in Egypt and Tunisia, but I look forward to the compass of events that it is directed towards achieving the will of the peoples despite the large and complex issues… The problem in this section of the study lies in understanding and then evaluating the political experience in Iraq after 2003, and with the emergence and birth of a modern and emerging democracy in it, and studying its outputs, and the main influences in it, whether political, economic or social, through its analysis and exploration of the mistakes that accompanied it and the achievements it achieved, as evaluation is an essential tool in any political or cognitive process.
Rather, it is a key factor in any experience, The importance of this assessment is shown in the second section of the study, which deals with the structure and philosophy of the rational republic, the study and evaluation of errors, will give us a cognitive value for theorizing the philosophy of the rational republic, and here we do not want to simplify the complex, but we want to manage the complex, in the sense that simplifying the issues is emptying them of their content, and therefore the solutions are patchwork and distorted, and increase the complexity of the problem, while the management of complexity looks at the development of realistic solutions to the problem, By understanding the reality of the problem and its complexities, perhaps one of the problems of the Iraqi experience, is to simplify the complex and solve it patchwork, by jumping on it or providing unjustified and illogical facilities to solve it, while if the solution was done according to the management of the complexity itself, it would have produced real solutions that closed hundreds of files and spared the country and citizens woes.
Objective and importance of the study: – The change in Iraq in 2003 is one of the most important global events in the twenty-first century, which followed the events of 11 September 2001, in the United States of America, despite the harshness of the events that accompanied the change in Iraq, and the enormous scale of material and human losses that occurred in it, this change remains a major factor in the Middle East and the Arabian Peninsula, because of the subsequent democratic experience that resulted in a permanent constitution for Iraq, a parliament and a government elected by the Iraqi people.
According to a parliamentary system that we will analyze in the body of this section of the study, and not a jump on the variables and mistakes that accompanied this resulting from authoritarianism in government and power, to the pluralistic mind that accepts the other, and despite the exclusion exercised by this other towards the country’s largest partner, which lasted for many decades in the history of modern Iraq after the British Mandate in 1918. Which resulted at the time from a monarchical government that did not seriously take into account the geopolitical factor or the demographic, ethnic and sectarian diversity of Iraq, and despite the criticism that will be presented of this study, I find that the change that took place with enormous military force, which eliminated the most brutal regimes in the region, I mean the Baathist confrontational regime, I find fruitful in several joints, perhaps the most important of which is the qualitative shift towards a pluralistic mind that accepts the other. Despite the lapses and mistakes that accompany the process of transformation from an authoritarian regime to a democratic system usually, which Iraq has witnessed, like other countries that have witnessed this transformation, a new kind of consciousness has emerged in Iraq and even the region, rejecting tyranny in government and power, the populist collective mind has been built on the belief in presenting the narrative of imaginary societal security. In exchange for freedom and pluralism, and poverty versus saving lives, this new consciousness produced major qualitative revolutions, which changed the face of the Arab world and turned the compass of authoritarian regimes downwards, the revolution of Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen and Bahrain, despite the accompanying waste of innocent blood, displacement and displacement, as a natural and logical consequence of any revolution, but the fruits of these revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt have borne fruit, and Yemen and Bahrain may be stark models for rejecting international and regional interventions in forced change. As a benefit of the Iraqi experience, the peoples of these countries have learned to resist as a basis for rejecting foreign existence of all kinds, whether it is occupation or terrorism.
In general, this study aims to discover the main causes of the mistakes that accompanied the democratic experience in Iraq, and the role of world political forces, especially the United States of America, as the leader of the coalition for the change of the Baathist regime Saddam, as well as the regional powers and their role in this experience, by evaluating them and knowing the rules on which some of the outputs of this experience were built, such as the constitution, the political system, the parliament, the problem of successive governments and others.
Horizon and determinants of the study: – This study may not exceed the horizon of Iraq, being allocated to it, but this does not mean that we do not deal with the problems of the region and the world, and their impact on the Iraqi situation and the Iraqi environment when necessary, Iraq is not isolated from the world and its variables, it influences and is affected, does and interacts with events, but in general the horizon of this study will be Iraq, Within certain determinants, it starts from the analysis of the experience and ends with its evaluation, and then the transition to the philosophy of the rational republic, in which we proceed from a vision formed through twenty years of research, study and participation in the experience itself, and perhaps an important question arises here, why did the study be limited to a certain period of time?, and the answer is that the experiment that we are going to analyze and evaluate is fifteen years old, which is enough time to evaluate any political experience, This is first, and secondly, the most prominent event is the control of the terrorist organization ISIS over a third of the area of Iraq in June 2014. And the collapse of the security, political and economic system in Iraq, which constituted a dangerous turn that was overcome with difficulty and with very great sacrifices, and thirdly, and most importantly, I assume that it is time to think seriously about the new political system in Iraq, as a structure and as a philosophy and not only the form of the system and the constitution, and here I do not want to burn the stations to jump to the end of the study, so I am content with this amount of statement.
Key Questions:- The study will ask a set of questions for the purpose of answering them, these questions form the backbone of the study, and by answering them will solve many problems to turn into problems that can be solved, as a kind of management of complexity in the Iraqi experience not simplify, and the following are examples of these questions: –
Has the occupying Power of Iraq been planned in an orderly and strategic manner for the post-occupation and change of the existing political system? What is the role of the Iraqi opposition abroad in managing or participating in this change?
What is the regional role in the process of change?
Was Iraq as a people psychologically and politically, culturally and socially and economically prepared for this change? In other words, did he possess the elements to deal and interact with the democratic experience with all its principles, values and concepts?
- d) Has the opposition of the former and today’s rulers been able to offer a real alternative to the Baathist confrontational political system? Especially as they lack experience and real training in running a country the size of Iraq in which there are so many hot and urgent files?, In addition, the complex of honest people abroad who oppose and people of the interior Baathist agents, which has been and continues to be a major obstacle to stability in Iraq, and the transition from authoritarian rule to the rule of a good republic?
(c) Has Iraq moved from opposition jurisprudence to state jurisprudence in the legal, legal and political sense?
(h) Has the Constitution in its current form, which is one of the rigid constitutions, and the parliamentary political pluralistic system it has produced, achieved the aspirations of the Iraqi people of all categories?
(f) Is the corruption, nepotism, sectarianism, ethnicity and clan we are witnessing? etc. Inherited from previous systems and evolved? Or is it the product of change?
- Do we need to change the current political system as a structure and philosophy? Or is this experiment successful and needs to be developed rather than changed?
Have the people gone beyond political childhood to adulthood and full awareness?
By answering these and other questions, the parameters of the experiment will become clear, analyzed and evaluated, and we will reach important results to which these answers will lead us.
Analysis of the democratic experience in Iraq
1- Iraq returns pluralistically (the ethnicization of the democratic experience):-. After the absence of political pluralism and relative freedom from the Iraqi arena, the impact of the coup d’état of 1958, the end of the pluralistic monarchy era with a feudal characteristic, and the beginning of a new era represented by a pluralistic democratic system that is more opaque than the pre-1958 regime, I find it necessary to proceed with the statement of some concepts as an introduction to this important and vital topic in the study, democracy as a principle of governance is a theory that can be developed and changed.
It began as a concept in ancient Greece and developed over time, and according to the need imposed by the process and process for the human race, and Iraq is no exception, so the democratic experience in Iraq came quickly and is not without chaos, and is not without uniqueness either, the policy of the United States that prevailed in the seventies era and the existing The policy of containment no longer works, especially in Iraq as a pivotal country in the process of maintaining balance in a region that is considered the most important and hottest in the world, so the decision to change the Baathist regime was shocking, not as an authoritarian regime, but because it no longer performs its role in protecting and caring for America’s interests, (Dolly, 2004). It would have been conducted in accordance with the Marshall Plan announced by the Allies after the Second World War for the ages of the West in general and Germany in particular, but this perception and planning was not carried out, due to many factors, perhaps the most important of which is their ignorance of Iraqi society and its composition, its sects and ethnicities, nationalities and ethnicities, and how to deal with and deal with this huge amount of different, overlapping and conflicting cultures and backgrounds, as well as the Iraqi opposition did not present any plan for the post-Baath rule. Because it has no idea about the changes that have taken place in Iraq for decades, because of their realistic distance from the Iraqi scene and their observation of it from abroad,
All this is based on a bloody regime that has ruled Iraq for decades, (Rashid, 2006) The roses and laurel wreaths that the Americans and their allies expected as liberators were rarely seen, fell into the hands of the Americans and their allies, and the confusion and confusion began to intensify the chaos that already existed after the change and the accompanying collapse of all the institutions of the Iraqi state, and the accompanying operations of looting, looting and settling revenge scores by citizens against their torturers. With the emergence of forces of al-Qaeda in Iraq, there was a traditional incubator, namely the Sunnis of Iraq, who discovered after a while the enormity of the error of harboring them, supporting and supporting this organization, which was a real nightmare for them, and even participating with them in a series of bloody massacres that concluded with the disaster of blowing up the shrine of the military frontlines (A.S.) in Samarra, This fatal mistake was alerted to by the Sunnis of Iraq later, to start a correction campaign that appeared in the establishment of the Awakenings, which was considered a tool that contributes with the government and the Americans to strike extremism in the back of its traditional incubator, and also emerged marginalized and non-existent Shiite forces led by Muqtada al-Sadr, son of the well-known authority Muhammad Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr, who was assassinated in February 1999 with his two sons in Najaf. To form armed forces on the ground not to be reckoned with, his forces known as the Mahdi Army have confronted allies and the new Iraqi army in sporadic battles, the center of their weight was the Iraqi province of Najaf in the Middle Euphrates region, and although Muqtada al-Sadr is not a well-known veteran commander but is the heir to the masses, reputation and name of an ancient house, However, with the protection afforded to him by the religious authority in Najaf, and the dramatic way in which the supreme religious authority Sayyid Ali al-Sistani saved him from inevitable death, it gave him an incentive to later participate in the political process in Iraq, and in general, the thinker Fukuyama argues that America made a grave mistake by occupying Iraq and by declaring the end of the war in May 2003. In a country whose people and way of thinking are not known, which has led to an increase in confusion and fighting, (Fukuyama, 2006) There may be a basis for the US invasion of Iraq, this basis was based on two main things, the first of which is Orientalist studies about Iraq and its people, and the information received by some opponents of the Baathist regime, this may be one of the foundations on which American planners built their vision of Iraq before its invasion. In the era of colonial colonialism, Orientalist missions entered Arab and Muslim countries, providing studies and descriptions on the social, economic and religious situation, phenomena, customs, etc. This somehow helped to occupy those countries, and to build semi-democratic regimes, which later turned into tyranny and bloodshed, which necessitated the intervention of the surgeon a second time but according to a new surgical vision, albeit with the same old tools, trying to patch the wound that did not heal, these miserable and extreme attempts, produced a wave of hostility and hatred for everything that exists, some turned this hatred into fireballs that burned the two towers of commerce in Manhattan – New York, Others have turned it into the form of near-daily military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, for example, but this did not prevent President George W. Bush from launching his thesis on change, namely creative chaos,?! Which provoked a lot of reactions and still is,. Is the political system in Iraq somewhat?
After 2003, is it the product of this creative chaos? (James, 2008) It may be absurd and chaotic to answer in absolute no, and at the same level to answer with absolute support,?! Reflecting on the outcomes of the creative chaos in Iraq, which has receded from a democratic parliamentary system and a permanent constitution, leads us to look away from the appearance of this thesis, it is not easy to say for sure that the Iraqi experiment has failed, and just as difficult is the certainty of its complete success? So what is the solution??? I assume that the experience as a whole was the result of accumulations, of a high level of injustice, oppression, poverty and slavery, which the Iraqi people have lived through for eight decades, stretching from 1921 to 2003, since the establishment of the monarchy to its overthrow and then the overthrow of the post-monarchy republic, Iraqis have lived a tragedy no less than that we read in history, accumulating several data, which served as a prelude to the acceptance of any political change in Iraq even if it is foreign. America is like a farmer who ploughs the land and sows it waiting for the fruits produced by this seed, but it has followed the method of direct intervention, If we look at the vocabulary of the Iraqi State Administration Law, which was written by the Americans during the reign of the civilian ruler of the occupying power Paul Bremer, we will find that the current Iraqi constitution was built on it, and served as the basis that drew the current Iraqi policy, despite the strong opposition to it, the result was in favor of the invaders and their allies and their vision of a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq. The vision was to demolish the old and build the new edifice, which is globalization according to the American vision, so it did not keep any real structure of the Iraqi state, which is the product of the accumulation of long decades, stretched from the establishment of modern Iraq in 1921 to 2003, as if you want to say that the era drawn by Sykes-Picot Europe has ended, and a new era led by America has begun, is replacing the old one easy or rebuilding it easier?? In Europe, reconstruction was carried out according to the Marshall Plan, while maintaining the infrastructure of states, so why did the issue not take place in Iraq according to that vision and experience?, despite its success in post-Nazi Germany. In Japan, too, despite the different circumstances, perhaps the peoples of those countries are more urbanized, less dependent on myths, customs and dead traditions?, and perhaps those peoples have the will to change and therefore are not dependent on others, and perhaps America does not want a competing model at the economic and political level, such as the German and Japanese model, which has become a real concern factor for America, but what indicates the new Iraqi experience, It is the return of political, ethnic and religious pluralism, which is an important factor that Iraqis have lacked for decades, the importance of this return cannot be underestimated, perhaps many now do not realize the importance of this pluralism, and may have misused it in many situations, but remains as a living and effective indicator born of the new experience, this importance lies in the impossibility of returning to the region of political zero, that is, the return of tyranny, Despite the cacophonous voices of some political teenagers in Iraq and beyond, and their constant calls to downplay this important outcome, it remains a real repellent against the return of authoritarianism, and this importance emerged after the occupation of a third of the population by ISIS.
Iraq in 2014, everyone participated in the process of confrontation, despite the difference in orientations and cultures, depending on each race, sect or minority, but the common enemy united the common effort to eliminate it, and this is a very important fruit of political, religious and ethnic pluralism in post-2003 Iraq, it is the sense of danger to the experience and its fruits, which prompted people to fight against this organization and against its outputs, The influence of the famous fatwa of the authority Sayyid Ali al-Sistani had a great impact, in uniting these efforts to defend Iraq, this crowd of volunteers came out of every spectrum without distinguishing between defending Iraq as a homeland or defending the new Iraqi experience, so the unified vision with its difference was to defend the right to exist.
2- The uniqueness of the contemporary Iraqi experience: – We assume the uniqueness of the Iraqi experience from the uniqueness of Iraq in the manufacture of its experience, it is a new experience and with new data as well, but this uniqueness is not without problems and obstacles, perhaps the most prominent of which is the strong return of political parties after the absence of this experience after the coup of 1958, this return was characterized by chaos and accompanied by organized and systematic corruption processes, which increased the problems of Iraq, in the Baath regime corruption was limited to a certain class, They are mostly members of the ruling authority, their followers and their masses, but their corruption was codified and limited, according to the authoritarian regime, the country with all its resources is at the disposal of the tyrant and his entourage, and the rest to follow the followers and the followers of the wanted, it is therefore limited corruption on a certain group, and the extension of this corruption to the facilities of the state becomes normal, especially with an economic blockade that hit the country for thirteen years, so bribery and nepotism became part of daily life, Life cannot continue without these bribes and without intermediaries carrying out these operations, Corruption has reached all state institutions, and the regime is aware of this and turns a blind eye to it except for those who go further and punish, and this corruption has continued and accumulated and increased steadily, (Al-Subaihi, 2017) This chaos that has continued in an escalating manner and that has led to collapses in the structure of the state that is already dilapidated, perhaps because of Iraq’s distance from political pluralism for decades, but this does not exempt those confronting the political process from direct responsibility for the worsening of the situation in Iraq, The parties facing power were allowed to establish economic committees that would take a percentage of the projects to their own account with the misdistribution of wealth and enrichment at the expense of public money, accompanied by the almost total neglect of citizens and their affairs and the delay in providing services and jobs to them, in addition to sectarian and ethnic quotas in the administration of state ministries, this chaos led to the spread of the phenomenon of armed gangs and the blatant seizure of state funds and citizens, The dream of building a civil state with a democratic reference that suits the aspirations and mood of the Iraqi people has been a dream of Iraqis through generations, since the establishment of the modern Iraqi state in 1921, democracy has been fluctuating between conflicts. Sectarian and ethnic, and between the influence of the great powers that founded the modern state, and perhaps this influence has returned significantly now, which foreshadows a real absence of real democracy, and the emergence of an alternative democracy composed of sects and ethnicities and their parties that represent them, which I call the democracy of components, with our assertion that these parties do not represent everyone, they represent their audience, which has begun to decrease continuously with their failure to build a real state,
And to create an objective alternative to the successive regimes on Iraq from its establishment, (Dweisheh, 2019), how can a diverse country such as Iraq be governed according to the policy of quotas?, With the sagging and rentier economy remaining the same without development, we do not deny the attempts to improve the political reality in Iraq, but they remained shy attempts to this correction, as most of them were characterized by bids and political parades for the purpose of mobilizing people to win their votes in the legislative elections that determine the fate of the country every four years, All of this also does not depart from the negative effects of the regional and international environment as key actors in Iraq, as observed by reality, the United States did not plan for the post-Baath and Saddam. Rather, as we have presented, it relied on the premise of creative chaos, as it did not know how to run a country like Iraq or establish good governance, but rather let things get out of control from the early days of the occupation.
- The loss of identity and goal due to hunger and injustice: – Hunger and poverty destroy principles and overthrow the strongest peoples, this is what happened in Iraq, as an entrance to the vision of the Iraqi economy, realistically the Iraqi economy must be reviewed, Iraq as a developing country differs from others in many components, it is difficult to live in a state of poverty and destitution, for many reasons, the most important of which is the size of mineral and human resources, agriculture and water, in addition to its strategic location and mediation between continents, which makes it a corridor to all the eastern and western world, http://www.geosp.net/?research But with all this wealth, the Iraqi people have starved for decades, and hunger leads man to infidelity, the feudal systems that accompanied the monarchy in Iraq, nepotism and monopoly of public money and power, which has continued until now, in addition to a siege imposed by the international community on the Baathist regime, which in turn besieged the people as a kind of punishment for its great uprising in 1991, generated a loss of national identity and indifference to the country. A country that does not meet basic needs at a minimum, nor does it provide decent living cover for its children, It becomes a cemetery and one of the features of the cemetery is that it is a home for the dead, from here Iraq became as a political system that repelled its children, so Iraq abandoned those who can migrate and the vast majority remained under the hammer of injustice and hunger, and here as an idea that may be strange, we will bring the economic renaissance closer to the national identity, by linking and interlocking between them, when there is a decent living and great opportunities for the citizen, the country will be Attractive to his children and not repellent, and as a result the attachment to the national identity stems from the same economy, and the concern for the country as a whole becomes one of the first duties of the citizen, because he simply tasted the taste of freedom and well-being and felt the respect of his homeland for him, and this is the most important factor to link the citizen with his country, and away from the consumer slogans that filled the twentieth century with their smell, we find that the simple citizen began to sense the absence of borders between countries in favor of global commercial, political and social openness.
The concepts of sovereignty differed and the concepts of economy, war and peace began to fade little by little, in the face of the victory of the Internet and world trade, and to provide a decent living for the citizen should build a real economy, Iraq now depends on rents in a very large percentage, oil is the main product of financing the economy, and in a quick look at the features of the Iraqi economy after 2003, and as an accumulation from previous eras, we note, the collapse of the institution of the Iraqi economy, the decline in the domestic product, the increase in the unemployment rate and the dependence of the economic decision on the hands of the occupation authorities as well as regional actors And internationals and the high rate of inflation.. Etc. (Hassan, 2018) With the obsolescence of infrastructure in Iraq with a steady increase in the population ratio and a significant increase in income, rampant corruption in state institutions as well as in the social structure, terrorism and major military operations witnessed in Iraq, and many additional factors, which have greatly affected the reality of the Iraqi economy, and contributed to the aborting of the real advancement of the Iraqi economy, capital is cowardly and therefore if there is no real security and service structure and the fight against corruption, The Iraqi economy cannot rise, the system of economy, security and the fight against corruption is one deal that is never indivisible, so thinking alone is not enough but needs planning, and the first step of planning is to think about diversifying the economy, rationalizing government expenditures, increasing local and international investment opportunities, opening opportunities for small and medium enterprises, supporting and protecting the producer and consumer, etc. (Iraqi economy after 2003)
- Why is the new republic parliamentary: – We may listen to those who say if the system in Iraq is designed as a presidential republic or a mixed republican, that is, a parliamentary presidency, because the Iraqi people set their rhythm in the form of a presidential system, and we may also hear that the parliamentary republican system is excellent, but it comes after the political conditions and economic structures reach the level of stability, that is, reach the bottom, that is, the almost complete stability politically, socially and economically, A third party says that the parliamentary republican system has generated partisan and sectarian quotas and will lead Iraq to death!.. I may agree relatively with some of these voices because they are patriotic and loving their country, and indeed the Iraqi individual set his rhythm on the presidential system, and therefore it is not easy for this change to be done all at once, the patient is not given Treatment at once otherwise was completely counterproductive. The form of the current regime (according to good faith in intentions) in Iraq was founded and was intended to prevent the return of dictatorship to Iraq, so that it does not allow anyone to reach the pyramid of power until after a difficult labor, except that the generation of some political norms outside the constitution is what distorted the form of this system, as quotas are part of the political norms that were used according to the demographic proportions of Iraq sectarianly. (Rafidain Center for Dialogue, 2018) With the absence of a census, which was delayed due to the problem of mentioning the doctrine in the census form and the problem of what was known as the disputed areas, but this does not mean that the constitution and the parliamentary system prevailing in Iraq now is perfect, nor can idealism be claimed in any constitution or system in the world, development is the master of the situation in all positivist systems and constitutions.
Does it mean that the Iraqi constitution and system need to be changed or at least amended? It cannot be said with certainty that change is the elixir or magic wand that saves Iraq from its crises. Nor can things be left as they are now, so what is the solution? The solution lies in reviewing the contradictory texts of the constitution and trying to amend them, the Iraqi constitution is one of the constitutions that are classified as rigid, and this impasse may come as a result of the mentality in which the constitution was written, which is the mentality of the opposition and not the mentality of the state, a mentality dominated by fear and panic of marginalization and extermination, and we may understand this obsession because I and others also lived long in a bloody tyrannical regime, but I do not agree with it at all, Things cannot be left as they are now, and therefore any amendment or change needs great efforts and a difficult march, and this is something that trivializes with the hope of stability and development, especially since there is a restriction in the constitution, which requires the approval of two-thirds of the provinces of Iraq, and that two-thirds of three provinces have not voted against. (Iraqi Constitution, Article 142, IV.) This is not possible to amend or change the constitution except through a popular revolution that is pushing for change, and this is possible in Iraq now, and in a long talk, a longer debate and a painstaking debate with an important member of parliament, He said that “any attempt to change or amend the constitution will lead to divisions that may lead to a civil war of a new kind, a war that will be between the masses of the ruling parties, something that no one can accept,.. and the MP argued .. that what exists now is better for everyone!?. I do not agree with him at all, because the specter of civil war does not mean that we stand idly by in the face of the collapse of the country in such a crude way, and who said that countries were built by dialogue and peaceful competition only??!.
5- We weren’t ready :-?? In reading Vice President George W. Bush’s book In My Time, Mr. Dick Cheney, I was struck by the phrase “We were not ready for the post-Operation Freedom of Iraq,” or more precisely, “We had not planned well for the post-war period?” (Cheney, 2012) The question is, I wonder if the Iraqi people, whether the opposition abroad or the semi-silent opposition at home and most of them are ready for this change?, as inside an Iraqi that I lived and experienced we were sure of the change, but we did not realize, know or did not realize much how this change will be done?!, so we can divide the Iraqis at home into: –
A – Metaphysicists waiting for unseen change, completely passive and resigned to their destiny.
(b) Two positive realities seeking change through their efforts, the elite.
- c) Defeatists left the country and fled, claiming narrow livelihoods and daily harassment by the regime and its cronies.
- Utilitarians who do not care who governs the important is the permanence of their interests, capricious as a chameleon.
(c) The beneficiaries of the ruling regime, which are a small percentage compared to the greater majority.
H- They are afraid of change, i.e. negative, but their negativity stems from the fear of the unknown that awaits them as a result of the suffering they have experienced.. (Firman,2015)
As a reality before the change, this is what can be described by the Iraqi people in general, but the opposition of the outside world could never come together on one opinion, and the division between them seemed clear in a shameful and scandalous way, and the important question is who bears responsibility for what happened and what is happening in Iraq now,? It is not fair to hold a particular party responsible for what happened, because the responsibility is shared, between the United States of America, which presented its interests, and between the opposition of the outsiders divided between them and floundering in the corridors of the unknown, and between some categories of the Iraqi people inside the completely collapsed, it is wrong to say that the interior was overwhelmed, it is something that cannot be approved, but does not withstand the sociological analysis of Iraqi society.
There are many revolutions and uprisings that took place between 1936 and 2003, yes these movements and uprisings lacked real support from the regional neighborhood and the international community, perhaps because of the fear of the rise of the Shiite majority, which was mistakenly understood to be loyal to Iran, according to sectarian dependency although On the contrary, Iran continues to address Najaf constantly, and there is no permanence for its regime and its scientific and political presence except through Najaf, (Mahbuba, 1986) and perhaps the time for change has not come pending a convincing reason or reasons?!, Although a regime waged two wars, occupied the territory of two states, used internationally prohibited weapons, killed and displaced a division, is it not enough as arguments for the intervention of the international community to change it?!!, But it was content to issue resolutions from the Security Council that is completely different from the United States of America and its interests!!?, And also within the containment policy of the Iraqi regime that began in 1979 and ended only after the events of 1990 and the occupation of Kuwait as well as the attacks of 11 September 2001, which gave the real opportunity to change this bloody regime and remove it forever (Donnelly, 2004), who is ready for change in Iraq? Perhaps the answer I will give is shocking, but it is realistic and has already happened, the categories that have prepared for change are:-
- The opposition abroad was ready to enter to take its place in Iraq, especially since Iraqi memory respects the personalities of these forces, so they were sure that they would dominate the situation significantly, and this is what happened.
- Parasites and opportunists who live and adapt to any reality.Thieves, bandits and criminals, it is worth mentioning that thousands of them were released months before the occupation, in what was known at the time as prison whitewashing.
- Takfiri forces and militants whose power in Iraq arose and developed with the support of the Baathist regime, during the last decade of the twentieth century.
After the tragedy of change in Iraq by its invasion by America and its allies, adversity began to unfold and the problems that the Iraqi people as a whole were and continue to suffer from have surfaced. Another question arises: Was change necessary or harmful in Iraq? The answer to this question is a great embarrassment for non-scientific researchers, for several reasons, perhaps the most important of which is the ever-changing nature of Iraqi society that overthrows the largest personalities, whether national or non-national, but scientific research obliges us to answer, change was undoubtedly necessary, and regardless of the controversy that has been raised and continues to be raised about this part, but a world without the Baath Party and Baathists and without Saddam and his allies is a calmer and more secure world, But it is harmful in terms of the mechanism of change, as the change was carried out by the occupation of Iraq by the dominant and controlling forces of the world, as well as the plan of starvation practiced against the Iraqi people, which led to their submission and surrender to any change that comes from any side, and the brainwashing operations that were practiced against the Iraqi people of all spectrums. As a result, it led to the earthquake of occupation, which changed the face of the world for a century or more, some may have argued that the change in the political map of the world came after successive events, including the fall of the Soviet Union, and the occupation of the regime. Baathist to Kuwait!? This may be somewhat accurate, but the debate that exists now revolves around a very important issue: Is it the right of the dominant state now “America” to impose its policy and vision on all the world,?? The answer remains more controversial than the question itself.
- Why is raising the slogan of Islam the solution? To change the reality of what must be the alternative is more sophisticated and advanced than the reality to be changed, otherwise the change becomes absurd and played with the capabilities of the people, the demolition of the old temple requires that the design of the new temple be ready, and this is what we did not have in Iraq neither before the change nor after the change, but perhaps the future carries with it a new design, which is very difficult but possible, In general, when the establishment of the post-occupation state in Iraq began, the slogan of Islam was raised, not the slogan of new, it was raised by the Muslim Brotherhood, and it became the slogan of all organizers under the thesis of political Islam. Regardless of their doctrinal reference, uniting the rule of Islam is the solution, but according to the vision of whom?? This controversy continues among political entities that adhere to the solutions, ideas and theories of political Islam, the Iraqi people are not religious in the Afghan or Iranian sense, many segments of the people pray, fast, perform rituals and rituals, but they hear songs, dance at weddings and hold noisy parties, not all our women are veiled, We respect and appreciate religious scholars, but we do not follow their own lives and do not wear their own uniforms, not even most of our women wear the uniforms of cleric women, so what happened then and how did segments of the Iraqi people turn to fanatical religiosity overnight? Religiosity has never been far from a loaf of bread, “Without bread what Abdullah would have.”
During the period of the economic blockade, the reference of Mr. Muhammad Muhammad Sadiq al-Sadr appeared, the master was not a well-known scientist as is the case of Mr. Abu al-Qasim al-Khoei, the leader of the scientific estate and the authority of the Shiite community, nor was he like his cousin Sayyid Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr, who was This chord was severely hit, and many of the Iraqi people went from a state of non-religiosity to a state of religiosity, but which religiosity is this? I call it here the title of “random religiosity”, which is the transition from the state of emotional hibernation towards religion and its rituals, to the state of attachment to religion and its rituals but in the complete absence of religious knowledge normally required for the average religious person, which appeared and surfaced after the occupation, many of those who were religious and many who wore the turban in the time of Mr. Muhammad Muhammad Sadiq Sadr, it was they who seized state and party property, and even the people’s own money was not spared from them,!!
This confirms the state of random religiosity experienced by many segments of Iraqi society, as the traditional religious person with the necessary knowledge does not commit what we have seen and what the judicial departments have recorded in terms of crimes, and the misfortune that they were carried out in the name of the Sadr family and in the name of others???!!!! Not far from our question, the Islamists took advantage of this random phenomenon of uncontrolled religiosity, and began to establish their deep state in Iraq, they did not find a more precious opportunity than this opportunity, so they exploited everything sacred for a desecrated purpose, and they even went so far as to rumor that whoever did not elect the Shiite National Alliance is outside the religion of Islam and his wife is forbidden to him!! . (Madani, 2005) Indeed, the Islamists were able to break into the arena of politics and the state in Iraq, and formed an advanced base in dominating the country’s capabilities, but the weakness of their management of the heavy files left behind by the eras of government in Iraq, whether monarchy or republic, and the incompleteness or maturity of their experience in governance, which was a force of expulsion and not an attraction to other actors, The elections of the local provincial councils were in 2009.
The first alarm bell for their failure to govern and manage after the decline in the popularity of many Islamist currents and the rise of other currents, which are not far from them but were an objective alternative to them, but rather a random and populist alternative that later led to the setback of June 2014, and the defeat of the army and security forces in front of the gangs of the terrorist organization Daesh, and after these successive setbacks and the prevalence of corruption and its roots in the joints of the state and society, Iraqi society has witnessed a significant decline in trust in others, namely politicians and those who oppose authoritarian and political action, even the fatwa of the Kafa’i jihad launched by the religious authority Sayyid Ali al-Sistani, which was exploited by the counters in a way that tried to empty it of its content, by diverting its course to their interests, did not save their dilapidated and deteriorating situation, and even the support directed by the authority to Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, and directed it to strike corruption with an iron hand, It could not save the country from the evil of the corrupt, It has exacerbated and strengthened their situation, because of the preoccupation of the whole country in the war against the terrorist organization that occupied a third of Iraq, and people hope for good after the successful military victory in 2017, but external interventions have prevented the citizens again from building the country, to come a prime minister of a settlement, representing the Islamic trends in Iraq and the region and his situation remains difficult and unstable at all.!!?
- The Iranian lion competes with the American eagle in preying on Iraq: – This title is not considered a prelude to a newspaper article, as much as it contains and introspects a bitter reality, imposed by the reality of post-2003, Iran and two other countries, Syria and North Korea, were considered an axis. For the evil in the policy of US President George W. Bush. This declaration would constitute a real concern for these countries, and push them to take all precautions to repel the danger from them, North Korea has tended to develop its conventional and nuclear arsenal in a significant and dangerous way, threatening and continues to threaten world peace and security, while Syria has opened the door wide to the influx of terrorists reinforced by high training carried out on its territory, and Iran has managed the helm of governance in Iraq with all force and continues to do, Iraq’s coffers were opened to save its crumbling economy, which was exhausted by US sanctions, while the United States continued to struggle to impose its hegemony over Iraq, and to perpetuate this hegemony, as it (i.e. the United States of America) is the first sacrifice in the change that has taken place in Iraq, and because according to its description it wants to spread democracy and good governance in it, !?. This conflict has led to the division of Iraqi society already divided into currents, and has turned it into a state of deep and conflicting components, each of which wants to acquire by various means its material, political and social resources and resources. This division has caused and continues to cause a civil war followed by a great defeat at the hands of ISIS, Iran has defined its tasks, options and interests in Iraq, Iran has been subjected to a Western blockade led by America since the success of its Islamic Revolution in 1979, and Iran will not and will not have such an opportunity to compensate for its losses for decades, as well as to achieve its supreme interests in the region and the world, Iran’s priorities are different from those of Iraq. Their thinking is necessarily different from that of the Iraqis, and the best entry to Iraq was through the sectarian chord, it is not denied that Iran provided services to Iraq after 2003, but they are paid services in advance, in the sense that the Iranians know that what they provide to Iraq, is in the end result of economic, political and cultural benefit to them, and has proceeded at such an escalating pace that a prime minister in Iraq cannot be appointed now, Except with its consent, it is more like a state that approves the ambassador before sending his mission.
While America has suffered from the issue of imposing its hegemony in Iraq, it is completely ignorant of the nature of Iraqi society unlike Iran, as well as how to settle its problems with Iraq’s neighboring countries, for the benefit of it and Iraq as well, it was part of a big problem while it was supposed to be part of the solution, and we do not exclude the rest of the neighboring countries from including and defending their interests. It is fair to say that these countries have the right to preserve their interests, but they are blamed for the way they achieve these interests, as the politicians of Iraq are blamed for their weakness and submission to these countries and their dictate, as the fear of the spread of democracy in the American way was the master of the situation in the first decade after change, which prompted the Gulf countries, Syria and Iran to determine their options and interests quickly, It may have been claimed that this preparation was years before the war on Iraq, perhaps due to the aftermath of the events of September 2001 in America. (Dolabige,2011)
8- The Bedouin mentality destroys the state: – Perhaps it is fair to say that the Bedouin constitute an important source of cultural, social and economic diversity, as they practice the profession of grazing and capture, which is one of the historical professions in the process of humanity, and can even be considered the first profession of human beings, but the problem lies in dealing with them as citizens settled in a country, after the collapse of historical empires after the First World War, and the emergence of Qatari states with geographical borders. Problems began with the Bedouin, it is the nature of the Bedouin to move in search of water and grass, so the new borders only constitute an obstacle to freedom of movement and continuous migration wherever there is water and grass, and this freedom has been a concern factor for Qatari countries, as the concepts of loyalty associated with citizenship in the sense of spatial stability and obtaining the citizenship of the country, these concepts have colored the concepts of the twentieth century, while the Bedouin believes in freedom of movement and movement wherever he wants and whenever he wants, These concepts that are completely new to him come to intrusive his mind based on the importance of what he owns versus what is intended to be taken away from him, as the Bedouin doctrine is based on conquest, plunder and plunder,
The Bedouin doctrine is based on invasion, looting and looting, in addition to economic activity based on grazing and capture, Iraq, Syria, Jordan, the Arabian Peninsula and other areas, the Bedouin have their lands and have the right to move among them, and therefore how can groups that believe in freedom of movement and believe that the tribe should be invaded and plundered and believe that the tribe is a precursor to the qibla and that what he owns is the real homeland and not the piece of land, house or border?! In his calling, the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) suffered from this mentality, which continued after him and manifested itself in the rule of Caliph Omar ibn al-Khattab and its continuation during the reign of Caliph Uthman in power, to take a major form for all governments that continued to rule the Islamic world until the date of the collapse of the Islamic Caliphate in 1924, and in any case, the Bedouin usually prefers the relative of the members of his clan to the farthest from it.. (Al-Juwaidi, 2011) Because he believes in the blood link between him and his clique, he gives them advice and material giving over others, and this is what was adopted in the new Iraqi state, most of the state administrations are now in the hands of relatives of those who have assumed government positions after 2003, while the rest of the people suffer from the difficulty of living in dignity, the monopoly of things is characteristic of the Bedouin and Bedouin, and the impact is the last thing he thinks, Even the Qur’an and the upbringing of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) did not affect the change of character of this class, but the Holy Qur’an reminded them of a realistic text, ,(الأَعْرَابُ أَشَدُّ كُفْرًا وَنِفَاقًا وَأَجْدَرُ أَلاَّ يَعْلَمُواْ حُدُودَ مَا أَنزَلَ اللَّهُ عَلَى رَسُولِهِ وَاللَّهُ عَلِيمٌ حَكِيمٌ &وَمِنَ الأَعْرَابِ مَن يَتَّخِذُ مَا يُنفِقُ مَغْرَمًا وَيَتَرَبَّصُ بِكُمُ الدَّوَائِرَ عَلَيْهِمْ دَائِرَةُ السَّوْءِ وَاللَّهُ سَمِيعٌ عَلِيمٌ) سورة التوبة – 97-98..
Therefore, it is not possible to build a state according to this mentality, as its pillars and priorities do not follow the civil and urban priorities of building the state, and changing them is something that should be sacrificed for, I am looking forward to such a change in Iraq, perhaps this year or next year, a change that will resonate and resonate no less than the fall of the Baath Party regime in 2003.
9- Last but not least: – Perhaps we will be content with the details we have provided as a result of assessing the democratic experience in Iraq, to discover the extent of sagging, corruption and terrorism that has befallen it, which has caused it. It takes it out of the box of success and brings it to the brink of failed experiments, who is responsible for all this?? The three reasons responsible for bringing the experiment to the brink of failure are presented:
(a) The accumulations left behind by the State of Sykes-Picot;
(b) The US occupation of Iraq and the demolition of the old without a new plan.
(c) Direct interference in the internal affairs of Iraq with the assistance of the class confronting the authority.
Therefore, we cannot judge the success of the experience in Iraq significantly, despite its uniqueness and largeness, but it does not mean that it is an experiment that cannot be corrected and repaired, as correction is possible and its evaluation is possible and this will be the focus of the second section of this study
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