Civilian-Military Relations and Democratic Transformation in Pakistan: Problems and Trends

Prepared by the researcher  :  Heba Hossini M. A. Moetti – Professor of Political Sciences, Faculty of Economy and Administration 6^th of October University ( Egypt )

Democratic Arabic Center

Journal of Afro-Asian Studies : Twentieth Issue – February 2024

A Periodical International Journal published by the “Democratic Arab Center” Germany – Berlin

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   Abstract

This study examines the problems and challenges that encounter the democratic transformation in Pakistan, both internally and externally. Such examination is carried out in light of the continuous civilian-military problematic relations. The military intervenes in the political life, directly and otherwise, under the pretext that these challenges can menace the security and stability of Pakistan and affect the course of democratic transformation therein, and therefore, it should face them. This study concludes that the Pakistani army is a key influential player in the Pakistani policies. And while the army, in democratic regimes, follows the government, elected governments in Pakistan are widely influenced by the army, known for intervening into the policies of the State. Hence, the study attempts to present a prospective view of the future trends of democratic transformation, according to the ceaseless dilemmas of the civilian-military relations.

political clashes to erupt between the two parties. Notably, this is not restricted solely to the regimes that witness transitional phases and political transformations.

Numerous analysts point out that the civilian-military relations in the political domain are worthy of careful handling, particularly during transition periods. The military’s intervention into policies may represent a major challenge before laying down the foundations of democratic political regimes.

Accordingly, the Pakistani experience, and so are all the other ones in this field, including the Algerian and Turkish, stands for an interesting reference, in terms of the boundaries of the political role of the military and the civilian-military relations in general.

Since so many long years of its history, Pakistan witnessed various internal and external developments. Potential and visible crises in the Pakistani political body were actually unveiled by these developments, generating the so-called a “complicated political crisis” that is facing the political regime. Such crisis is composed of many qualitative crises that interact mutually. Factors of the internal and external milieus support their aggravation, due to the situations and roles, adopted by internal and external parties that have conflicting objectives and interests they endeavour to attain, under these complicated conditions.

These internal and external problems and developments influenced the course of democratic transformation in the State variously. Many analysts argued that the democratic transformation measures

in Pakistan encounter increasing hindrances upon activation. This arouses multiple suspicions and puts forth scenarios about the future of democratic experience in Pakistan, according to the continuous internal and external problems and challenges that block their various courses. The most prominent of these are the dilemmas of the civilian-military relations at the internal and external levels.

Research Problem

Starting from this end, the research problem highlights the challenges that face the democratic transformation in Pakistan, both internally and externally. This comes in the light of the continuous problems of civilian-military relations and insistence of the military to intervene into the political life to stand in the face of these challenges, which may menace the security and stability of the State. In other words, the Pakistani military regards itself the protector of Pakistan, the rightful intervener into disturbances, upon their occurrence, and the transformer of the political status quo, in case of being dissatisfied therewith.

Hence, this study aims to provide responses for the following questions:

• What are the most considerable internal and external challenges that face the democratic transformation in Pakistan, considering the ceaseless problems of the civilian-military relation?

What are the potential courses or scenarios under the continuous tensions in the civilian-military relations?

Importance of Study

Based on the above, the importance of this study lies in the scarcity of studies, interested in the democratic transformation and its relationship with the change in the civilian-military relations in Asia. Additionally, the political role of the army and the characteristics of civilian-military relations are included into the dilemmas of democratic transformation and cementation, as well as the civilian control over the army, in accordance with the democratic constitutional and legal framework. This is on a scholarly basis. But practically speaking, the Pakistani experience is unique, regarding the problems of civilian-military relations. The Pakistani military occupies a key status in the political regime since the rise of Pakistani State in 1947 to date.

Approach of Study

“Two-Generation Approach” or the “second generation Problematic” was selected, being the most appropriate for study. The Two-Generation Approach is new. It was developed by a number of thinkers and pioneers in the domain of comparative political regimes to be used as an analytical tool for dealing with the problems of civilian-military relations. Key figures of this approach include Anthony Foster, Timothy Edmunds and Andrew Cottey.

An approach proposition indicates that civilian control of the army is a crucial part of democratic transformation. The decade, following the communist States’ collapse in Central and Eastern Europe, witnessed real transformation in the civilian-military relations. Concerns of the first generation included rebuilding the institutions for the challenges of the second generation, which can mainly be attributed to embedding democracy among these relations.

Practically, various problems emerged in a number of countries, in terms of building the capacity of the State and modernising democracy (or modern bureaucracy), in addition to the problems, stated by other literatures that highlighted the civilian-military relations. In most cases, the problem of civilian-military relations was not primarily based on full civilian control over the military. It did not also have to do with separating the military from the political domain. Rather, the main problem was related to the efficient and democratic rule of the security and defence sector, specifically regarding the defence policy making (Andrew ottey, 2003).

Applying this approach proposition to the study problem, the progress or decline of the Pakistani experience can be measured, with respect to the democratic transformation, in addition to examining the extent to which there might be full civilian control over the military.

Based on the above, the study seeks to underline the following: firstly: the most significant problems and challenges that face the democratic transformation in Pakistan, under the constant tension that characterise the civilian-military relations, internally and externally, which may hinder their multiple courses, and secondly: putting forth a prospective view for the future of democratic transformation, in light of the standing problems of the civilian-military relations.

Firstly: problems of democratic transformation in Pakistan under continuous tensions of civilian-military relations at internal and external levels

• Problems of democratic transformation in Pakistan at the internal level:

Pakistan faces numerous internal problems and challenges since its rise. And in case of their continuity and aggravation in a wide pace, they can threaten the State’s being. The most crucial problems and challenges are:

• Nature of the complicated structure of the Pakistani society and the riddle of building the State:

Pakistan comprises four nationalities. The largest and most controlling are the Bengalis, who are many and have political and economic authority. The Pashtuns come in the second rank, residing in the Afghani-Pakistani borders region. Also, there are the Sindhis, who are the second largest nationality, and finally, the Baloch people. The Pakistani State was established on the proposition that “the religious basis can eliminate ethnic divisions inside the new State”. However, this did not actually materialise. The successive regimes, since the State’s rise, failed to develop a Pakistani nationality to bring such divisions to an end. The emergence of ethnic national tendencies in Pakistan was associated with the State’s foundation phase. Moreover, some of these tendencies and problems preceded the State’s rise.

The Eastern Pakistani Province, which includes the Bengali nationality, was the first scene where the conflict unfolded between the Bengalis and the new State. This aggravation was built on a handful of subjective elements, with respect to the

inability of the new State to contain the feelings and demands of the Bengalis. Resultantly, the Bengali national problem was ended by the separation of Bengalis and foundation of the Bangladeshi State (Muhammad Fayez

By that means, this experience caused the army to be severely sensitive towards any national problems that can result in another Bangladesh. This strengthened the army’s role in the face of internal national tendencies to keep the State coherent and maintain its material and symbolic components.

Other national problems, which are multiple, include those of the Pashtun and Baloch nationalities, dating back to Pakistan pre-foundation phase (Sayed Abu Dawoud, 2001). The same applies to the Sindh province that witnesses national tensions among the Sindhis, indigenous population, on one hand, and the Bengalis and emigrants (including Muslim emigrants, Indian refugees and Pashtun Afghanis) on the other. There are also the sectarian dilemmas that may emerge in Pakistan from time to time (Radwan Sayed, 2008 – Maged Sheikh, 2007).

Mention-worthy, a number of experts and analysts, including Jeffrey Rhnefield, explain that the “ethnic disintegration”, or “customary relations” of conflictual pattern, may affect the democratic transformation adversely (Jeffrey Rhnefield, 2006).

Pakistan, meanwhile, encounters the enigma of building the State and identity, along with maintaining security and survival. Literatures of democratic transformation assert that any transformation opportunities can be easier and probably more successful in the more homogenous countries, i.e. not suffering from acute societal fractions (Hasaneen Tawfiq Ibrahim, 2013).

As for the Pakistani case, a study indicates that after Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, passed away in 1948, the concepts of building the State and security had become associated with the rising power of the military, at the expense of the newly born civil society. All this led to the decay and even the dispersion of the relative political tolerance since 1950s. Ultimately, the religious extremism milieu was richly fed (Iftikhar Malik, 2007).Farahat, 2008).

Based on the above, any failure to found a real democracy in Pakistan can be attributed, along with other factors, to the State’s rise, which embedded the roots of authoritarianism.

• Continuing deteriorated economic and social situations:

The deteriorated economic and social situations, resulting from the endeavours of economic development during the past six decades, deepened the division in the State’s body, wealth concentration within a limited scope and wide distribution of poverty among 95% of the total population. Such situations caused the so-called redistribution of poverty to contain new categories of the middle class. As well, the class structure of the Pakistani society is based on wealth concentration at the top of the social pyramid (Briemah Abdrabu Tuhify, 1999). About 65% of the Pakistanis live under the poverty limit, in addition to suffering from illiteracy. Few land owners, traders, businessmen, and senior army, police and bureaucracy leaders have the largest share of wealth, representing, simultaneously, the political elite that controls the political power in the society (Badr Hussein Shafi’e, 1997).

     Moreover, the reasons that qualify the Pakistani army to intervene into policies include the major advantages the military has in Pakistan. Among these are the military expenditure’s amounting to about one third or almost half of the national income, according to the World Bank estimates in 2005.

The economic activity of the military is also one of its significant tools to be present on the political scene (Ahmad Abu Bakr Khamisi, 2012).

• Escalating role of extremist fighting Islamic groups:

Extremist Islamic groups stand as the centre of the crisis for the Pakistani political regime. The widening scope of these groups’ activity is no longer restricted to the popular classes, it extends to the doctrines of the military and the political system as well. This causes any dealing with these groups to be risky. In other words, danger can be stemmed from the changing political situations that may require exerting pressure over these groups or attempting to control them (Muhammad Sa’ad Abu A’amoud, 2012).

Notably, there is a compound relation between the army and Islamic parties, which dates back to the time of founding the Pakistani State. This relation remained standing until after the State rose (Tawfiq Madini, 2008). The Islamic powers played a vital role, along with the State, army and the ruling regime, in carrying out the jihadi tasks, internally and externally. This made them the natural ally of the army and the State throughout a great part of the Pakistani State history (Sattar Gabar Ghalai, 1998) whether during the civilian or military rule of Pakistan.

• Problems of Pakistani civilian-military relations:

Pakistan stayed under the army’s rule for long stretches of its sixty years age. The first military government was headed by the Field Marshal Mohammad Ayub Khan from 1956 until 1969. Yehia Khan was the leader of the second military government, while the third came under the rule of the four-star General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1998). Then in 1999, the military government of the four-star General Pervez Musharraf assumed power until 2008 (Musbahullah Abdelbaqi, 2007).

Whether during the military or civilian rule, Pakistan witnessed numerous dilemmas, concerning the civilian-military relations. The most prominent of which is that the civil powers, represented by the political parties and NGOs, distrusted the military regimes, particularly as the latter promised to include political, economic, social and security reforms in their programmes, against the previous abuses of the civilian rule. Yet, their policies and strategies were never materialised, blocking the development and democratic transformation in Pakistan. Also, the military elites followed some mechanisms that supported the military control over the civilians, in addition to the influential Islamic powers on the Pakistani political scene. This characterised the civilian-military relations with more aggravation and tension, more often than not; in order to control the rule reins. Assessing the performance of military rules in Pakistan, it becomes clear that they focused on political reforms, which were not associated basically with the military domain. Their tasks were channelled into the military’s controlling of the security policies in Pakistan, drafting a parallel budget and monitoring a large network of economic

institutions to be run by retired army officers. And even during the civilian rule, the Pakistani army took a role that was not compatible with its military character, in terms of policy making (Shahinaz Mahmoud Abu Sre’ie, 2005). Also, the army’s intervention in the Pakistani political life resulted in the emergence of the judiciary crisis, represented in this institution’s following the army. Therefore, the latter was justified to interfere into its work, to the contrary of the stipulations of the State’s Constitution. This largely happened under the rule of Pervez Musharraf (Election, 2007).

Based on the above, the uninterrupted intervention of the army into the Pakistani political life, directly and otherwise, is a crucial obstacle before moving the democratic transformation forward. Hence, many analysts believe that Pakistan can be categorised as an “imperfect or defective democracy” State, being a reflection of the faulty civilian control over the army. Rather, the army always appeared to be the most influential and strongest political actor in the political domain. Consequently, civilians never realised the permanent and effective civilian momentum. This also helped to create deviations, with respect to the electoral system, political freedoms and participation and descending (horizontal) accountability (Sieg Fried O. Wolf, 2012).

First: development of the army’s size and might through time. Therefore, the development of the political system is characterised by the lack of institutionalisation, besides the acute political instability. So, power imbalance was created, for the benefit of the army, in addition to the fragile impact of the civil authority in the political decision-making process.

Second: inclination of the army to have a political role (particularly under the rule of Zia-ul-Haq and Musharraf).

At the level of civilian-military relations, these  developments propelled the emergence of a phenomenon, known in the field of political decision-making as the “rule of the Troika”. Such a phenomenon proposes the rule division system (rule sharing) between civilians and the military. This system includes the three basic authorities in Pakistan, i.e. the Chief of Army Staff of the Pakistan Army, the Head of State and the Prime Minister (ibid).

It should not also be missed to say that the military elites always join the Islamic powers in the face of liberal civil ones that antagonise their rule. This delimits the movement of the political parties on the Pakistani political scene.

• Problems of democratic transformation in Pakistan at the external level:

External challenges in Pakistan do mostly fall within the regional domain. They often symbolise a close threat to the State’s national security. Reactions of the Pakistani regional setting created a multidimensional security crisis, politically, economically or militarily. This can also be added to the international setting. Briefly, these can be pointed out as follows:

• Political instability in Afghanistan:

Pakistani-Afghani relations’ history tells that Afghanistan was the sole country that opposed to Pakistan’s joining the UN. Both countries were about to engage in a war at the beginning of the sixties. The cold war witnessed tensions between them too, particularly in each time Kabul governors aroused the disputed Baluchistan issue. Because of such historical bond, Pakistan is active on the scene of Afghani conflict, something that should draw the official and popular Pakistani attention (Moenis Ahmad, 1999).

• Rising border tensions with India:

Pakistan believes that India represents a major threat to its national security, particularly regarding the continuity of armed organisations in Kashmir. The most prominent of these organisations are “Lashkare Taibak” and “Jaish Mohammad”. Both claim that they tend to turn India into an Islamic State. This means that these groups’ thinking is a long-term one (Paul Emestlenze, JR, 2011).

• American-Indian convergence:

Pakistan seems to be anxious about the American-Indian convergence. Certainly, the American intervention into the Indian-Pakistani issue does not aim to suppress the conflict. Rather, it serves the US interests, economically and strategically.

• US and world milieu:

Preparation of the world milieu to recognise a given government in any country, including Pakistan, is a serious condition for its continuation. The American support is the most important and prominent factor within this context. The international community regards the Pakistani’s hegemony over the rule is the main source of disorders in the Indian Peninsula. Necessarily, Pakistan was subjected to external pressures to restrict the army’s intervention into the political affairs. Moreover, alternative policies were adopted to guarantee the realisation of the desired transformation (Abeer Abdel Haleem Tamer, 2006).

Conclusion

The conclusion of this study includes: firstly: the most important conclusions the study reached, and secondly: overviewing the potential trends and scenarios for the future of the democratic transformation in Pakistan, according to the ceaseless tension in the civilian-military relations.

Firstly: study conclusions:

The most important of these are:

1. The Pakistani army is widely known for intervening into the State’s policy, whether directly or otherwise. This is included into the causes of the fragility of the democratic institutions in Pakistan.
2. The democratic transformation in Pakistan encountered many challenges, due to the continuing problems of the civilian-military relations and the military’s insistence upon intervening into the political life to confront the challenges that may menace the State’s security and stability. This means that the Pakistani military deems itself the protector of the State.
3. The most important obstacles before the democratic transformation in Pakistan are jointly internal and external. They can threaten the democratic maturity there.
4. Internal challenges, mostly, are typified by the character of the economic and social elite, as well as the ethnic and sectarian conflicts from which, Pakistan is suffering since its independence. This deepened the problem of the lack of national integration. Furthermore, the radical Islamic movements, disapproving the democratic rule, rose.
5. As for the other pattern of challenges, it is external, embodied by the regional and international milieus, particularly the unstable regional ones. In addition to the disorganised situations in Afghanistan, the Pakistani-Indian relations are conflictual since independence. They worsened with the emergence of the Pakistani nuclear weapons issue. This was reflected adversely upon the stability of democracy cementation in Pakistan. In other words, the military took this unstable regional milieu as an appropriate pretext to keep its role in the political life.
6. The international milieu is a substantial challenge before the democratic transformation in Pakistan. Many international powers, topped by the US, press the Pakistani political regime. Tools of pressure imply threats to stop the economic and developmental aids.

Secondly: potential trends and scenarios:

A handful of potential scenarios or trends were discussed during the past years, concerning the future of the democratic transformation in Pakistan, under the uninterrupted problems of the civilian-military relations. The most visible of these are:

1. Some analysts believe that Pakistan is on its way to consolidate democracy, in spite of the internal and external challenges that face it. There are also indications that the democratic course is pursued, and the atmospheres are cleared.
2. Others see Pakistan as a “failed” country case, which is about to collapse and vanish, particularly in light of the structural instability of economic performance indicators that do not differ from those of politics.

Many hold the view that the democratic transformation is disrupted because of the challenges Pakistan is unable to face currently

Finally, the researcher agrees with the statement that Pakistan can be classified as a “crisis victim” country, not a “failed” one, as some believe. Evidently, and despite the internal and external dilemmas that face the State as a political body and a set of political, economic and social entities, there remains a strong country, based on a consistent regime and robust security bodies. Pakistan still has the ability for values’ authorial distribution and impressing the mainstream political reactions pattern. Therefore, it is on the path of democracy.

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