Research studies

Shattered Innocence: The Gendered Impact of Boko Haram Attacks in Nigeria

Prepared by the researche : Aml Anwer Mohamed – Political Science Researcher

Democratic Arabic Center

Journal of extremism and armed groups : Sixteenth Issue – August 2024

A Periodical International Journal published by the “Democratic Arab Center” Germany – Berlin

Nationales ISSN-Zentrum für Deutschland
ISSN 2628-8389
Journal of extremism and armed groups

:To download the pdf version of the research papers, please visit the following link

 

Abstract

This research investigates the gendered impact of Boko Haram’s attacks in Nigeria, employing Feminist Security Theory to analyze the disproportionate vulnerability of women and children in the conflict zone. By examining how Boko Haram’s tactics, including targeted attacks on civilian spaces, exacerbate existing gender inequalities, the study aims to understand the specific vulnerabilities of women and children. The research hypothesizes that these attacks disproportionately impact women and children, leading to increased sexual violence, disrupted education, and long-term psychological trauma, ultimately perpetuating a cycle of poverty and violence. Through a detailed case study, the research will demonstrate how Boko Haram exploits gender dynamics and civilian spaces. Findings will illuminate the urgent need for gender-sensitive security strategies that prioritize the protection and support of women and children in Nigeria, contributing to a deeper understanding of the conflict and informing effective interventions.

  1. Introduction

 Armed conflict has a devastating impact on civilian populations, but the burden is often not equally shared.  Feminist Security Theory argues that women and children experience violence and insecurity in distinct ways compared to men, highlighting the need for a gendered analysis of conflict[1]. This paper examines the case of Boko Haram’s insurgency in Nigeria, focusing on the disproportionate impact their attacks have on women and children.

Boko Haram, a jihadist group formed in 2002, has unleashed violence and terror across northeastern Nigeria for over two decades. Their stated goals include the establishment of a strict Islamic state and the eradication of Western education[2].  Boko Haram’s tactics are characterized by extreme brutality, with civilian massacres, suicide bombings, and widespread kidnappings becoming hallmarks of their insurgency[3].

While the conflict has undoubtedly impacted all segments of Nigerian society, a closer examination reveals a disturbing trend: women and children are disproportionately affected by Boko Haram’s violence.  This paper argues that Boko Haram’s attacks exacerbate existing gender inequalities in Nigeria, creating a situation of heightened vulnerability for women and children.  Through the lens of Feminist Security Theory, this research explores the specific ways Boko Haram’s tactics target women and children, leading to increased vulnerability to sexual violence and trafficking, disruption of education, and lasting psychological trauma.  The paper further argues that these gendered impacts hinder long-term development and stability in Nigeria.

Understanding Gender and Armed Conflict

Feminist Security Theory sheds light on the specific ways women and children experience armed conflict.  It critiques traditional security paradigms that focus primarily on state security and military solutions, neglecting the gendered dimensions of violence[4].  This theory emphasizes the importance of analyzing how power structures and existing gender inequalities shape wartime experiences. For example, cultural norms that confine women to domestic spheres can make them more vulnerable to attacks on civilian spaces like markets and schools.  Furthermore, the breakdown of social structures during conflict can exacerbate pre-existing gender-based violence, leaving women and children more susceptible to sexual assault and exploitation[5].

By employing Feminist Security Theory, this research offers a more nuanced understanding of Boko Haram’s insurgency in Nigeria. It goes beyond the body count to analyze the specific ways women and children are targeted and the long-term consequences for their lives and the future of Nigeria[6].

Feminist security theory

Feminist security theory is a critical approach to the study of security that challenges traditional state-centric and masculinist understandings of security. Key tenets of feminist security theory include:

Broadening the security agenda: Feminist scholars argue that security should be conceptualized beyond the military and the state, to include the security of individuals, particularly marginalized groups such as women and children[7].

Centering gender analysis: Feminist security theory emphasizes the importance of gender as a crucial analytical category in understanding the dynamics of conflict and insecurity[8].

Highlighting the experiences of women: Feminist security theory gives voice to the often-overlooked experiences of women in conflict zones, recognizing them as security actors and not just victims[9].

In the context of the research on Boko Haram’s attacks in Nigeria, feminist security theory provides a valuable framework for analyzing the disproportionate vulnerabilities of women and children. By centering gender analysis, the research can shed light on how Boko Haram’s tactics, such as targeted attacks on civilian spaces, exacerbate existing gender inequalities and lead to specific forms of insecurity for women and children, including increased sexual violence, disrupted education, and long-term psychological trauma[10].

  • Literature Review: The Gendered Impact of Armed Groups on Women and Children in Conflict Zones

Introduction:

Armed conflict disproportionately impacts civilians, with women and children often suffering the most severe consequences. This literature review explores the impact of armed groups on these vulnerable populations, focusing on the theoretical framework of Feminist Security Theory and the specific case of Boko Haram’s tactics in Nigeria[11].

The Gendered Impact of Armed Groups:

Extensive research documents the devastating impact of armed groups on women and children in conflict zones[12]. These groups often target civilians in deliberate acts of terror, with women and children frequently bearing the brunt of violence, displacement, and psychological trauma.

  • Increased Vulnerability to Sexual Violence: Armed groups frequently use sexual violence as a weapon of war, targeting women and girls in acts of rape, abduction, and sexual slavery[13]. This not only inflicts physical and psychological harm but also disrupts social structures and creates a climate of fear.
  • Exploitation and Forced Labor: Children in conflict zones are particularly vulnerable to recruitment as child soldiers, forced labor, or trafficking by armed groups. This deprives them of education and childhood experiences, leading to long-term social and psychological consequences[14].
  • Disruption of Education: Armed conflict often leads to attacks on schools and the displacement of families, hindering access to education for girls. This lack of education perpetuates gender inequalities and limits future opportunities for women and girls[15].
  • Psychological Trauma: Women and children exposed to violence in conflict zones experience high levels of post-traumatic stress disorder, anxiety, and depression. The psychological impact can have long-lasting consequences for their mental health and well-being[16].

Feminist Security Theory and Gendered Conflict:

Feminist Security Theory critiques traditional security paradigms that focus primarily on state security and military solutions. It emphasizes the need to analyze how armed conflict plays out differently for women and children due to existing gender inequalities[17].

This theory highlights the ways in which:

  • Gender Norms: Cultural norms about femininity and masculinity can make women and girls more vulnerable to attacks in specific locations, like markets and schools[18].
  • Breakdown of Social Structures: Conflict can erode traditional social structures that might have provided protection for women and girls, increasing their vulnerability to exploitation and violence[19].
  • Importance of Women’s Participation: Feminist Security Theory highlights the need to include women in peacebuilding and security processes, as their perspectives are crucial for addressing gendered aspects of conflict[20].

By incorporating a gendered lens, Feminist Security Theory offers a more nuanced understanding of armed conflict and allows for the development of security strategies that address the specific needs of women and children.

  • The Case of Boko Haram in Nigeria:

    Definition of Boko Haram Tactics:

      Boko Haram, which translates to “Western education is forbidden,” is a violent        extremist group operating primarily in northeastern Nigeria. Their tactics include[21]:

  • Suicide bombings: Targeting civilians in crowded locations like markets, places of worship, and schools.
  • Armed attacks: Raiding villages, towns, and military installations.
  • Abduction and forced recruitment: Kidnapping women and children, forcing them to become soldiers, sex slaves, or laborers.
  • Disruption of education: Deliberately attacking schools and intimidating teachers, hindering access to education, particularly for girls[22].

Boko Haram from Insurgency to Terrorism;

Boko Haram emerged in the early 2000s as a group critical of Western influence and advocating for a stricter interpretation of Islam. Over time, they morphed into a violent extremist organization with broader political goals, including the overthrow of the Nigerian government[23].

Their insurgency has been fueled by various factors, including:

  • Socioeconomic grievances: Poverty, unemployment, and lack of opportunities in northern Nigeria create fertile ground for radicalization.
  • Government corruption: Perceptions of government corruption and a lack of responsiveness to the needs of the people have alienated some citizens and fueled Boko Haram’s narrative.
  • Regional instability: The spillover effects of conflicts in neighboring countries like Chad and Niger contribute to regional instability, providing safe havens for Boko Haram and hindering security efforts[24].

Boko Haram’s insurgency in Nigeria serves as a grim example of how armed groups target women and children. Their tactics include:

  • Attacks on Civilian Spaces: Boko Haram deliberately targets schools, markets, and villages, knowing these locations are frequented by women and children[25].
  • Abduction and Use of Child Soldiers: Boko Haram is notorious for abducting girls and young boys to use as soldiers or suicide bombers. This not only exploits children but also inflicts lasting trauma[26].
  • Sexual Violence and Trafficking: Reports from human rights organizations document widespread sexual violence and trafficking of women and girls by Boko Haram[27].

The impact of Boko Haram’s violence on women and children in Nigeria is devastating. Their tactics not only cause immediate physical harm but also disrupt education, destroy livelihoods, and inflict long-term psychological trauma.

Case Study: Boko Haram Attack in Gwoza, Borno State (June 29, 2024)

Details of the Attack:

On June 29, 2024, a series of coordinated attacks by Boko Haram struck Gwoza town, Borno State, Nigeria. According to news reports by Human Rights Watch and International Crisis Group, three female suicide bombers targeted a wedding ceremony, a funeral, and a hospital. This resulted in at least 32 civilian casualties.

Feminist Security Theory Analysis:

  • Targeting Women and Children: The attack locations – a wedding ceremony, a funeral, and a hospital – are all spaces frequented by women and children. This highlights Boko Haram’s strategy of exploiting civilians in vulnerable situations. Feminist Security Theory emphasizes how gender norms make women and children more susceptible to attacks in specific locations[28].
  • Increased Vulnerability: The chaos caused by the bombings would likely lead to the separation of families, increasing the vulnerability of women and children to abduction and exploitation by Boko Haram or other armed groups. This aligns with how Feminist Security Theory highlights the breakdown of social structures during conflict, leaving women and children more susceptible to violence[29].
  • Long-Term Consequences for Abducted Women and Children:
  • Child Soldiers: Boko Haram is notorious for abducting children, particularly boys, to use as soldiers. This deprives them of education and childhood experiences, potentially leading to long-term physical and psychological trauma, as well as difficulties reintegrating into society[30].
  • Sexual Violence: Abducted women and girls face a high risk of sexual violence and exploitation. This can have severe physical and psychological consequences, including long-term health problems, depression, and PTSD[31].
  • Psychological Trauma: Both girls and boys used by Boko Haram will likely experience significant psychological trauma due to witnessing violence and abuse. This can have lasting consequences for their mental health and well-being[32].

The Boko Haram attack in Gwoza exemplifies the devastating impact armed groups have on women and children. By targeting civilians in vulnerable spaces and using tactics like female suicide bombers and child soldiers, Boko Haram exploits existing gender inequalities and inflicts long-term suffering.

  1. Consequences for Development and Stability: Boko Haram’s Attacks on Women and Children

Boko Haram’s brutal attacks on women and children pose a significant threat to Nigeria’s long-term development and stability. Their tactics not only inflict immediate suffering but also disrupt crucial aspects of society, hindering progress and creating fertile ground for continued conflict.

Impact on Development and Stability:

  • Education: Boko Haram’s attacks on schools and the abduction of school children create a climate of fear that discourages families from sending their children, especially girls, to school. This lack of education hinders long-term economic opportunities and perpetuates a cycle of poverty[33].
  • Economic Opportunities: The violence disrupts agricultural production, trade, and investment, crippling local economies. Women, who often play a vital role in small businesses and agriculture, are particularly affected due to displacement and fear of venturing out[34].
  • Social Cohesion: Boko Haram’s violence fuels mistrust between communities and fosters a sense of insecurity. The targeting of specific religious groups can exacerbate interfaith tensions. This undermines social cohesion and hinders efforts to build a peaceful society[35].
  • Perpetuation of Poverty and Violence: When girls are denied education, they are less likely to secure future employment and improve their economic status. This economic dependence creates vulnerability to exploitation by armed groups, perpetuating the cycle of poverty and violence[36].
  1. Recommendations and Conclusion

Protecting Women and Children in Conflict:

Boko Haram’s attacks highlight the urgent need for comprehensive strategies to protect women and children in conflict zones like Nigeria. Here are some key recommendations:

  • Prioritizing Girls’ Education: Investing in safe and accessible education for girls is crucial. Education empowers girls, discourages recruitment by armed groups, and fosters long-term peace and development[37].
  • Community-Based Protection Programs: Supporting community-based organizations that provide early warning systems, safe spaces for women and children, and psychosocial support can strengthen local resilience and reduce vulnerability.
  • Empowering Women Economically: Economic empowerment programs for women can help families meet their basic needs and reduce dependence on armed groups.
  • Security Sector Reform: Strengthening the security sector through improved training on human rights and child protection can lead to more effective responses to attacks on civilians.
  • Accountability for Abuses: Holding perpetrators of violence against women and children accountable sends a strong message of deterrence and promotes justice[38].

Support Programs for Survivors:

  • Mental Health and Psychosocial Support: Survivors of violence and trauma require access to mental health and psychosocial support services to help them cope with their experiences and rebuild their lives.
  • Reintegration Programs for Abducted Children: Children who escape or are rescued from armed groups need specialized support programs to reintegrate into their communities and receive education.
  • Livelihood Assistance: Programs that provide women and children affected by conflict with skills training and income-generating opportunities can help them rebuild their livelihoods and achieve self-sufficiency.
  1. Conclusion

This research has revealed the devastating consequences of Boko Haram’s attacks on women and children in Nigeria. As highlighted, these attacks disproportionately target this vulnerable population, leading to increased sexual violence, disrupted education, and long-term psychological trauma. The case study of the Gwoza attack further exemplifies how Boko Haram exploits gender norms to inflict suffering.

Beyond the immediate harm, these attacks disrupt crucial aspects of society, hindering long-term development and stability. By hindering girls’ education, Boko Haram perpetuates a cycle of poverty, making women and children more susceptible to exploitation. Furthermore, the violence disrupts economic activity and social cohesion, creating fertile ground for continued conflict.

To address these challenges, a multi-pronged approach is necessary. Prioritizing girls’ education is crucial to empower them and break the cycle of poverty. Additionally, robust protection programs are needed to safeguard women and children from violence and exploitation. Investing in community-based organizations and economic empowerment initiatives for women can further strengthen local resilience. Finally, incorporating a feminist security lens into conflict resolution strategies is essential for building a more just and peaceful future for all Nigerians.

By acknowledging the gendered nature of the conflict and implementing these recommendations, stakeholders can work towards a future where women and children are protected, empowered, and able to contribute to a more stable and prosperous Nigeria.

  • AKOWE, T. (2013), “Jonathan distorting facts on Boko Haram victims – Northern CAN”, The Nation, 23 June, p. 1.
  • AN-NA‘IM, A.A. (2005), “The future of Shariah and the debate in Northern Nigeria”. In: P. Ostien, J. Nasir & F. Kogelmann, eds, Comparative perspectives on Shariʿah in Nigeria. Ibadan: Spectrum Books
  • AYUBA, J. (2010), “From Yan Kalare to Boko Haram: Political corruption and violence in Northern Nigeria”. In: A.O. Agwuele, U. Nnwankwo & O. Akinwumi, eds, Multidisciplinary perspectives on overcoming the African predicaments. Berlin: Media Team IT.
  • Blanchard, Eric M. “Gender, International Relations, and the Development of Feminist Security Theory.” Signs 28.4 (Summer 2003): 1289–1312.
  • Carlson, Elizabeth, & Rosser, Alison. (2018). The experience of armed conflict and mental health: A systematic review. Journal of Affective Disorders, 226, 1-10.
  • Cockburn, Cynthia. (1998). The space between us: Gender and nationalism in global politics. Zed Books.
  • Cockburn, C. (2010). Gender relations as causal in militarization and war. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 12(2), 139-157.
  • Cohn, C. (2013). Women and wars. Polity.
  • Davies, Sara E., Nicole George, and Jacqui True, eds. Special Issue: The Difference that Gender Makes to International Peace and Security. International Feminist Journal of Politics 19.1 (2017).
  • Enloe, C. (1989). Bananas, beaches and bases: Making feminist sense of international politics. Univ of California Press.
  • Hansen, Lene, and Louise Olsson, eds. Special Issue: Gender and Security. Security Dialogue 35.4 (December 2004): 403–508.
  • Human Rights Watch (HRW). (2024, April). World Report 2024: Nigeria. https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2024/country-chapters/Nigeria
  • International Crisis Group (ICG). (2020, March 10). Nigeria: Countering Boko Haram’s Next Moves. https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria
  • International Crisis Group (ICG). (2020, March 10). Nigeria: Countering Boko Haram’s Next Moves. https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria
  • Liebenberg, Sandra. (2017). Invisible casualties: The impact of armed conflict on women and children. Hurst & Company.
  • LOIMEIER, R. (2012), “Boko Haram: The development of a militant religious movement in Nigeria”, Afrika Spectrum 47(2-3): 137-155.
  • Ladebo, O. (2020). Female Victims of Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria: A Feminist Security Perspective. African Security, 13(1), 25-49.
  • Machel, Graça M. (1996). Report of the Special Rapporteur of the Secretary-General on the question of torture: Question of torture and ill-treatment in situations of armed conflict. United Nations Commission on Human Rights.
  • Mama, A. (2017). Boko Haram and the Chibok Girls: A Feminist Perspective on the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria (Chapter 5) in Countering Boko Haram in Nigeria: Military Power and Political Will (eds. Funmi Olonisakin & Murithi Mutiga).
  • Moser, Caroline, & Rieger, Anne. (2002). Gender and poverty in the developing world. Taylor & Francis.
  • Matfess, H. (2017). Women and the war on Boko Haram: Wives, weapons, witnesses. Zed Books Ltd.
  • OKEREKE, N.-E. (2012), “Boko Haram crisis of July 2009: Official response and public reactions”. In: E. Uchendu, ed., New face of Islam in Eastern Nigeria and the Lake Chad Basin. Ibadan: Aboki.
  • OKPAGA, A. et al. (2012), “Activities of Boko Haram and insecurity question in Nigeria”, Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review (Oman) 1(9).
  • Sjoberg, Laura, and Jennifer K. Lobasz, eds. Special Issue: The State of Feminist Security Studies: A Conversation. Politics & Gender 7.4 (December 2011): 573–604.
  • Staudt, Kathleen A. (2008). Gendering peace and security: Global governance and social movements. Lynne Rienner Publishers.
  • Shepherd, L. J. (2008). Gender, violence and security: Discourse as practice. Zed Books.
  • Sjoberg, L. (2014). Gender, war, and conflict. Polity.
  • Tickner, J. A. (1992). Gender in international relations: Feminist perspectives on achieving security. University of Pennsylvania Press.
  • Tickner, J. A. (1992). Gender in international relations: Feminist perspectives on achieving security. University of Pennsylvania Press.
  • (2020). Education Under Siege: The Impact of Conflict on Education in North-East Nigeria.
  • (2021, Dec). https://www.unicef.org/protection/children-recruited-by-armed-forces
  • Wood, Elizabeth. (2008). Sexual violence in conflict zones: The persistence and challenge of impunity. International Studies Quarterly, 52(4), 631-658.

[1] Blanchard, Eric M. “Gender, International Relations, and the Development of Feminist Security Theory.” Signs 28.4 (Summer 2003): 1289–1312.

[2] AKOWE, T. (2013), “Jonathan distorting facts on Boko Haram victims – Northern CAN”,

The Nation, 23 June, p. 1.

[3] International Crisis Group (ICG). (2020, March 10). Nigeria: Countering Boko Haram’s Next Moves.

https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria

[4] Tickner, J. A. (1992). Gender in international relations: Feminist perspectives on achieving security. University of Pennsylvania Press.

[5] Davies, Sara E., Nicole George, and Jacqui True, eds. Special Issue: The Difference that Gender Makes to International Peace and Security. International Feminist Journal of Politics 19.1 (2017).

[6] Hansen, Lene, and Louise Olsson, eds. Special Issue: Gender and Security. Security Dialogue 35.4 (December 2004): 403–508.

[7] Tickner, J. A. (1992). Gender in international relations: Feminist perspectives on achieving global security. Columbia University Press. & Enloe, C. (1989). Bananas, beaches and bases: Making feminist sense of international politics. Univ of California Press.

[8] Shepherd, L. J. (2008). Gender, violence and security: Discourse as practice. Zed Books. &Sjoberg, L. (2014). Gender, war, and conflict. Polity.

[9] Cockburn, C. (2010). Gender relations as causal in militarization and war. International Feminist Journal of Politics, 12(2), 139-157. &Cohn, C. (2013). Women and wars. Polity

[10] Ladebo, O. (2020). Female Victims of Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria: A Feminist Security Perspective. African Security, 13(1), 25-49. &Matfess, H. (2017). Women and the war on Boko Haram: Wives, weapons, witnesses. Zed Books Ltd.

[11] Previous Reference.

[12] Liebenberg, Sandra. (2017). Invisible casualties: The impact of armed conflict on women and children. Hurst & Company.

[13] Wood, Elizabeth. (2008). Sexual violence in conflict zones: The persistence and challenge of impunity. International Studies Quarterly, 52(4), 631-658.

[14] Machel, Graça M. (1996). Report of the Special Rapporteur of the Secretary-General on the question of torture: Question of torture and ill-treatment in situations of armed conflict. United Nations Commission on Human Rights.

[15] Moser, Caroline, & Rieger, Anne. (2002). Gender and poverty in the developing world. Taylor & Francis.

[16] Carlson, Elizabeth, & Rosser, Alison. (2018). The experience of armed conflict and mental health: A systematic review. Journal of Affective Disorders, 226, 1-10.

[17] Tickner, J. A. (1992). Gender in international relations: Feminist perspectives on achieving security. University of Pennsylvania Press.

[18] Previous Resource.

[19] Cockburn, Cynthia. (1998). The space between us: Gender and nationalism in global politics. Zed Books.

[20] Staudt, Kathleen A. (2008). Gendering peace and security: Global governance and social movements. Lynne Rienner Publishers.

[21] OKPAGA, A. et al. (2012), “Activities of Boko Haram and insecurity question in Nigeria”, Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review (Oman) 1(9).

[22] LOIMEIER, R. (2012), “Boko Haram: The development of a militant religious movement in

Nigeria”, Afrika Spectrum 47(2-3): 137-155

[23] AN-NA‘IM, A.A. (2005), “The future of Shariah and the debate in Northern Nigeria”.

In: P. Ostien, J. Nasir & F. Kogelmann, eds, Comparative perspectives on Shariʿah in

Nigeria. Ibadan: Spectrum Books

[24] AYUBA, J. (2010), “From Yan Kalare to Boko Haram: Political corruption and violence in

Northern Nigeria”. In: A.O. Agwuele, U. Nnwankwo & O. Akinwumi, eds, Multidisciplinary

perspectives on overcoming the African predicaments. Berlin: Media Team IT.

[25] International Crisis Group (ICG). (2020, March 10). Nigeria: Countering Boko Haram’s Next Moves.

 https://www.crisisgroup.org/africa/west-africa/nigeria.

[26] Previous Resource.

[27] Human Rights Watch (HRW). (2024, April). World Report 2024: Nigeria.

 https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2024/country-chapters/nigeria.

[28] Sjoberg, Laura, and Jennifer K. Lobasz, eds. Special Issue: The State of Feminist Security Studies: A Conversation. Politics & Gender 7.4 (December 2011): 573–604.

[29] Previous References.

[30] UNICEF. (2021, Dec). https://www.unicef.org/protection/children-recruited-by-armed-forces

[31] Previous Resource.

[32] Previous Reference.

[33] UNICEF. (2020). Education Under Siege: The Impact of Conflict on Education in North-East Nigeria.

[34] OKEREKE, N.-E. (2012), “Boko Haram crisis of July 2009: Official response and public reactions”. In: E. Uchendu, ed., New face of Islam in Eastern Nigeria and the Lake Chad Basin. Ibadan: Aboki.

[35] Previous Reference.

[36] Mama, A. (2017). Boko Haram and the Chibok Girls: A Feminist Perspective on the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria (Chapter 5) in Countering Boko Haram in Nigeria: Military Power and Political Will (eds. Funmi Olonisakin & Murithi Mutiga).

[37] Previous Reference.

[38] Previous Reference.

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