Morocco’s African policy after its withdrawal from the Organization of African Unity (1984-2001) : The new pillars and contexts

Abstract:

Morocco’s African policy has undergone profound changes concerning its tents and objectives since the independence in 1956 until nowadays. This paper focuses on the period between 1984 and 2001, in order to demonstrate the aspects of renewing principles and purposes of the kingdom’s policy towards Africa. Since 1984 when Morocco left the organization of African Unity, the kingdom has continued to responsibility towards Africa. Morocco has been engaged within the African nations by reinforcing regional integration, promoting peace and socio-economic development. To investigate this issue, we conduct a research through the relevant academic papers and we adopt the historical analysis as a method of research. This later allows us to compare between the period before 1984 and the period after 1984 of the kingdom’s African policy evolution. This methodology allows us also to define the principles that characterize the Moroccan policy at the period. In addition to this, this work sheds some light on the political and historical contexts that have influenced the making of the kingdom’s ongoing African policy

Introduction

After the independence in 1956, Morocco had been engaged within the African countries in order to get their independence as well from European colonization implemented between the end of 19^th century till the sixties and seventies of the 20^th century.

In this context, Morocco was one of the leading African countries which called for the decolonization in the continent. Therefore, the late king Mohammed 5 (known in Morocco as the leader of liberation) invited African independent countries to a conference to investigate the possibilities of supporting African people and nations under colonialism: The Conference of Casablanca in January 1961. It was high time for Morocco’s good willing to fight new imperialism, maintain peace and security and promote economic and social development around the continent.

Two years later, Morocco was one of the co-founders of the Organization of African Unity in May 1963, which held the first conference in held Addis-Ababa, Ethiopia.  Among the goals of Morocco in supporting African nations and showing the principles of liberation, cooperation and fighting new colonialism was also to have the African endorsement concerning its territorial claims over eastern territories (now under the Algerian rule) and Mauritania which took its independence from the French colonialism in 1960.

Despite this unachieved goal, the kingdom continued its African policy on the basis of cooperation, maintaining peace and security, respecting the territorial integrity and the internal affairs of the African nations during the next three decades of the independence. This was clear from the commercial treaties signed with some Western African countries in the 70^th. Besides, Morocco’s military contribution in wars of Shaba (1977-1978) aimed to preserve the territorial integrity of Zaire ruled then by Joseph Mobutu.

Although these efforts done by Morocco in order to establish a prosperous and a safe continent, the Kingdom found itself in critical situation at the beginning of the 80^th. This dilemma was caused by the western Sahara conflict between Morocco that from one had expanded its sovereignty in the region (after a successful Green March in 1975) that debars the Spanish colonialism  and POLISARIO^[1] front from the other hand that claimed the  right in auto-determination and making its own state in western Sahara, known as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic.

Again, as was the case during the sixties, Morocco’s foreign policy in the 80^th  was attached to its territorial claims over the western Sahara. So the Kingdom’s efforts then were oriented totally to convince the African countries with the legitimacy to practice its sovereignty in the region and therefore to abolish the integration of SADR to OAU.

However, the SADR backed up by Algeria and Libya could gain finally the African consensus and became a full member of the Organization of African Unity. This achievement of the separatist movement would not be a reality without the unilateral move of the general secretary of OAU in February 1982, Edem Codjjo, who allowed the leaders of SADR to take part in the deliberations of the thirty-eight session of the council of ministers that took place in Addis Ababa as a “state of full membership”^[2].

As a consequence of these changes, the Kingdom of Morocco which has been alongside with the African matters decided to withdraw from the OAU in 1984 as a protest against accepting a member which lacks the principles of a state, since it was not having any geographical space, population or sovereignty.

We understand now that the Moroccan foreign policy towards African nations from 1956 to 1984 was characterized by the dominance of its territorial claims (Mauritania and eastern lands in 60^th, western Sahara during 70^th and 80^th); in addition to its ambitions of seeing a strong, united and safe African continent.

Research questions:

The territorial claims of Morocco have neen for over 30 years of its independence the main engine of its African and foreign policy until the withdrawal from OAU in 1984. Thus we raise the following questions:

• Did Morocco follow the same political method on its African foreign policy after 1984?
• Had the kingdom worked to diversify its African policy pillars after 1984?
• How could Morocco benefit from the regional and international environment after 1984 and during the decade of 90^th in order to revive its position on the African arena?

Objectives of the study:

The main goal of this paper is to shed some lights on the profound changes that came to shape the Moroccan policy towards Africa as it is known now. In addition to understand the deep factors that contributes to create the modern aspects and dimensions in the Kingdom’s policy towards its African allies and partners after quitting the pan africanism organization in 1984.

Methodology and importance of the study:

In order to elaborate this work, we have conducted a research between several documents and websites providing the last studies that deal with the same issue. These studies, documents and references deem necessary and invaluable for this study.

With regard to the title, we can clearly observe the presence of the historical approach that we depend on throughout this research with the aim to highlight the great periods in the modern exterior policy of Morocco towards Africa after the independence. This approach serves as a link between the past and the present for a better understanding of the profound evolutions of the Kingdom’s African policy.

It’s very important to clarify that this paper deals with the contexts that have contributed in making the African policy of Morocco in a very critical time between 1984 and 2001 which coincides the last years of king Hassan 2 and the early years of  the young king Mohammed 6’s rule .

We think that this period is the key factor to understand the ongoing Moroccan activities on the African scene, in order to reinforce its presence in several parts of the continent. So, we consider this duration as the time of renewing the pillars and objectives of Morocco’s African policy, and that’s the reason why we focus on studying it.

The Study Axes:

After studying many papers and researches dealing with the same issue, we suggest to tackle the subject study via 3 axes:

• First: working on the bilateral level after 1984;
• Second: Participating in promoting peace and security operations;
• Third: Integrating sub regional organizations and focusing on economic interests.

First: Working on the Bilateral Level after 1984.

• Strengthening ties with Traditional Allies

Since Morocco has lost its role in making the collective decision after the departure of OUA, this matter didn’t stop the Kingdom to opt for another policy on the basis of bilateral relations especially with the allies from Western and central Africa.

According to the realism and pragmatism as principles of the new African orientations, Morocco has done tremendous efforts in order to preserve its traditional allies and partners. These efforts are clearly evident from the numerous treaties that had been signed with many African countries, especially with Senegal whose president ABDO DIOF visited Rabat in April 12^th, 1987. After this visit, 4 agreements were signed between April 1987 and March 1991 concerning public health, public administration, social affairs and artisanal activities^[3].

Reinforcing these orientations, Morocco has led negotiations with other African countries in order to promote the bilateral cooperation. We mention in this regard, that relations were revived with Cameroon as they were before with the official visit of the  president PAUL BIA to Rabat in April 14^th,1987^[4].In addition to this, Morocco has signed several agreements with Mali between September 1987 and March 1989 especially in the domains of commerce, public administration and education^[5].

In the same context, Morocco has developed its presence in many other countries like Cote D’Ivoire^[6], Zaire, Niger and the Republic of Central Africa, and that  by signing bilateral conventions that covered many domains of cooperation between 1985 and 1989.

As a result of this dynamic activism with the Western and Central African countries between 1984 and 1989, Morocco could hardly avoid the consequences of the diplomatic isolation which it suffered from after the split with the OAU.

• Normalization with Countries Recognizing SADR

The reason which led Morocco to practice the “empty chair policy” since 1984 is the admission of SADR in the pan-African organization, which obtain an unconditional support from several African countries. The reaction of the kingdom towards these countries was a break of diplomatic relations with them, which worsened the isolation of Morocco in the continent.

 However, this policy conducted by the country towards its rivals will change during the 90s, since the regional and international environment knew deep transformations especially on the political levels of many African and international nations.

In this context, we mention the re-establishment of relations between Morocco and some countries that have announced a hostile attitude towards the kingdom’s first affair: western Sahara, like Angola, Mozambique, Benin, Cap Vert and Nigeria^[7]…

As a result, some countries withdrew their recognition of the SADR, notably Benin, Liberia, Togo and Swaziland since 1997^[8].

To understand the rapid events that allowed Morocco to penetrate the socialist countries and refresh its relations with them, the  historical and political context should be taken into consideration; the context of 90s which was characterized by the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991.

The dissolution of the socialist bloc had contributed in decreasing the Soviet homogeneity in the African continent especially when the president Boris Eltsine took the decision in 1991 to cease any form of financial aid to the sub-Saharan countries and orient this money in order to resolve the intern crisis of Russia^[9].

The other results of the soviet collapse were evidently expensive, by the closing of 9 soviet embassies, 3 consulates and 13 cultural centers from Togo to Lesotho and from Burkina Faso to Sao Tmoé^[10].

Within this context, we grasp the Moroccan diplomatic activism on the African arena during the 90s, and we understand that the kingdom knew how to invest the new conditions into its favor, particularly Morocco was one of the Anti-socialist countries in Africa. This claim was clear from the 70s when Morocco sent a military aid to Zaire and explained it by the necessity to defend the territorial integrity of the country and to fight the Marxist guerrillas who threatened the stability of Zaire^[11]

Second: Participation of Morocco in the Operations of Peace keeping in Africa

The dissolution of URSS in the beginning of 90s led to hard transformations all over the world. Since 1991, the new wars which occurred in Balkans and Africa had ethnic and religious aspects.

The new era of the  90s was characterized by the increase of civil wars in Africa due to the deep political changes in many sub-Saharan countries. This reality creates a destabilization situation in numerous countries like Algeria, Angola, Burundi, Cote D’ivoire, Liberia, RDC, Somalia and Rwanda. The latest was a field of the most dramatic events with the genocide against Toutsi tribes.

In this atmosphere, it was not acceptable to stay without a reaction even from international parties or the continental ones. This situation pushed the United Nations to interfere in many African lands with the aim to re-establish peace and security within the regions affected by atrocious wars, using its military means known as peace keeping forces.

The UN peace keeping forces were made up of warriors coming from different countries. In this regard, Morocco appeared as one of the most interested African countries with the questions of peace and security in the continent. That’s the reason which pushed the Moroccan officials to take the decision of promoting peace in the affected nations through contributing with men and arms in the UN’s operations.

Morocco had demonstrated its engagement towards the security and peace issues in Africa in many past occasions. Thus, it had to continue the same paths during the 90s by taking part in UN interfere in Somalia which suffered since 1992 from a bloody war.

The Moroccan participation in “operation Restore Hope” was explained by human reasons. In this context Morocco sent a military contingent of 1250 person including a medical stuff^[12]. This operation was known as “ONUSOM 1” which took place between April 1992 and March 1993. One year later Morocco participated again in the second mission to Somalia under the name of “ONUSOM 2”^[13].

The humanitarian dimension of the Moroccan participation in Somalia is clearly evident from the activities assumed by Moroccan contingent whose role was to protect the civilians and provide medical assistance via the field hospital which was established there.

In addition to this, Moroccan forces took part in two missions of UN in Angola under the name “UNAVEM 1” and “UNAVEM 2” between 1989 and 1996^[14]. The main goal of these missions was to supervise the departure of Cuban forces, control cease fire, provide humanitarian aids and create favorable conditions in order to facilitate the national reconciliation^[15]

The Moroccan contribution in peacekeeping operations alongside the African nations during 90s under the umbrella of UN had institutionalized security cooperation between Morocco and its African allies. This cooperation is largely evident from hosting the African students who wanted to benefit from the Moroccan expertise and trainings in the different military schools and institutions alongside Moroccan officers^[16].

Morocco’s engagement on the military level to make a safe Africa is explained not only with the humanitarian duties, but also by its intention to protect its investments and economic interests in west Africa where the most Moroccan companies have deepened their presence. Many of these companies are founded or co-founded by investors who belong to the ruling circle^[17], so it was necessary for them to contribute in the stability of African states in order to ensure the stability of their interests.

The economic interests were becoming slowly and steadily to form one of the most important exterior policy’s pillars towards Africa from the end of the nineties until nowadays.

Third: Integrating Sub Regional Organizations and Focusing on Economic Interests

The decade of 90s was marked by the beginning of “Globalization” which has pushed the world states to unify their efforts and cooperation in regional blocs^[18]. Furthermore, globalization has givn the extreme importance to economic interests in the domain of international relations.

Responding to the challenges of globalization, Morocco worked with a new perception since the end of the 20^th century according to principles of pragmatism and mutual benefits. This has led the kingdom to promote its economic presence in the continent on the one hand and tryi to integrate regional organizations on the other hand, with the aim to refresh its position after the failure of UMA^[19]

• Integrating Sub Regional Blocs:

The sub regional blocs that Morocco has desired to join are: COMESSA, UEMOA and CEDEAO.

In 2001, Morocco joined the community of Sahel and Sahara states (COMMESA) known in the Arab world as SinSad (first letters of Sahel and Sahara in Arabic), which was founded in 1998 by an initiative of the Libyan leader Muamar Ghaddafi ( aimed to promote the economic development and fight poverty within the member states). For this reason, the establishment of BADC: African Bank for Development and Commerce as the financial mean of the community comes in order to meet the previous goals and create a future economic union between the members^[20] .Besides, members have established a peace observatory in order to preserve security and stability in the region.

The purpose of the Kingdom in joining this community is to promote its economic presence in this regional market which is characterized by abundance of population and natural resources, which will allow Morocco to merchandize the products needed in these countries.

In addition to this, keeping the border’s security appears as one of the most important goal’s for Morocco, since these countries are considered as its hinterlands. Thus, the security of kingdom is from the security of these countries, because Morocco will be the first affected by instability in the region, since it is the gateway of Africa towards Europe^[21].

Morocco has also shown its interest in dealing with the UEMOA (Union Economique et Monétaire Ouest Africaine) since 2000, while the two parts signed a “preferential agreement of commerce and investment” in order to encourage the flow of investments between the two parts. However, the dream of making a free trade zone still too far because of the member’s fear of serious consequences on their economy in case of Moroccan and European ‘s involvement to their markets^[22]

The other community that Morocco hoped to join is the CEDEAO ( Communauté Economique des Etats de l’Afrique de l’Ouest) which is more active entity than UMEOA on the geopolitical level because it represents a promising road for the Kingdom. This desire finds its way to be a reality when Morocco applied officially to join the CEDEAO on February 24th, 2017. Four months later, the CEDEAO officially agreed for the integration of the Kingdom in the organization^[23]

By these efforts done by the state in the beginning of the 21st century on joining sub regional blocs, in order to promote its multilateral relations and economic exchange, Morocco could finally re-integrate the continental organization: African Union, in the end of January, 2017, after 33 years of absence.

This return to the large African homeland is the real demonstration of Morocco’s belief and engagement towards the African issues and matters, despite the chronic differences that occur since the last three decades. It’s also an opportunity for Morocco to show its good willing towards the development and stability issues in the African scene. It also translates Morocco’s intention to overcome conflicts caused by western Sahara problem. The mutual benefits and the common challenges are becoming the basis of cooperation that Morocco defends to implement on the continental level under the slogan: south-south cooperation^[24].

• Promoting economic interests:

Since the mid- 90s another dimension of Morocco’s policy towards Africa becomes a major principle of the Kingdom’s exterior relations until nowadays: the economic dimension.

In this regard, we mention the intensification of economic relations with sub-Saharan countries which is evident through the increasing of bi and multilateral agreements; from 150 agreements in the first half of 90s to 270 agreements at the beginning of 2001. These agreements were signed during African leaders visits to Rabat, or while Moroccan officials visited different West African capitals.

For several years, Moroccan high diplomats and politicians haven’t been in any visit to sub-Saharan country until the coming of the Prime Minister Abdurrahman Youssoufi^[25] who has visited 5 countries from west and central Africa in 1999: Senegal, Cote d’Ivoire, Burkina Fasso, Guinea and Gabon. This visit was characterized by the presence of a businessmen group representing the private sector in the Moroccan official delegation. Thus, we understand Morocco’s new orientations in order to make fruitful relations with its partners^[26].

During this visit many economic mixed commissions were reactivated or newly established with the aim to promote bilateral exchange and refresh investments movement between the two parts. This mission was accorded also to the “centre Marocain de promotion des exportations” whose job is to send trade missions to African partners, taking part in fairs and organizes exhibitions of sale^[27].

Been aware with the importance of reinforcing the economic exchange, Morocco has worked on transportation levels as means to refresh the exportations and importations movement. To approve this effort, Morocco has financed the construction of trans-borders road between Western Sahara and Mauritania which is in the same time Trans-African, inter-agherban and euro-African road. Besides, the Kingdom has invested in the domain of air transport via its known company “Royal Air Maroc” which plays an important role in linking between Morocco and West African capitals. In the same vein; Morocco has established many maritime lines, especially that one between Casablanca and Dakar since 2002^[28].

With these remarkable efforts, Morocco tends to increase the size of trade with African countries, but also to augment investments in different countries through the Moroccan companies representing the private and public sector. As a result, Morocco becomes the first African investor in West Africa and the second one on the continental level behind the republic of South Africa.

The main domains that receive the Moroccan direct investment in Africa are : Banking, insurance, building, cements, agriculture, infrastructure, telecoms. In this regard, we mention the increasing role of different leading Moroccan companies such as : Attijar Wafa Bank, BMCE Bank of Africa, Banque Centrale Populaire in domain of banking. Addoha in domain of building. Maroc Telecom in the domain of telecoms. OCP (Office Chérifien des Phosphates) in the domain of agriculture and fertilizers^[29]…

Strengthening the presence of Moroccan companies in Sub-Saharan Africa comes in the strategy of Moroccan decision makers in order to position Morocco as a hub and foothold for international companies with an interest in expanding across the African continent. This ambition becomes more realistic with the launch of Casablanca Finance City project in 2010 as a hub for French speaking Africa market. One of the many multinational manufacturers that have set up production units in Morocco have been attracted by possibilities of accessing African markets, it’s the French automaker: PSA Peugeot Citroen which was attracted by the affordable skilled labor, but also by the potential for accessing sub-Saharan and middle-Eastern markets^[30].

Conclusion:

At the end of this paper, we understand and appreciate the efforts done by the Kingdom in order to preserve its “African identity”, especially after 1984 which symbolizes the long absence of Morocco on the pan-African organization. However, the management of the new situation was characterized by wisdom and rationalism of the Moroccan officials who have fully realized in depth the signals of the new era in 90s and the first decade of 21st century to take it as a platform to renew the basis and objectives of the kingdom’s African policy.

With the ambition to maintain the Moroccan influence in west and central Africa notably, the Kingdom depends not only on its geographical position, but also on its historical ties with African communities that date back to centuries. This geographical and historical depth allows Morocco to make a new paradigm of cooperation based on the mutual interests and challenges with African partners whatever their opinions about the western Sahara conflict are.

Focusing on the financial benefits in the age of globalization makes Morocco as one of the most prestigious continental partners of African countries. In addition to this, Morocco exploits all its expertise in different domains and puts it at the disposal of African countries which contribute in shining the reputation of the Kingdom as a defender of development issues of African societies.

The three pillars that we have discussed above are not the only principles of Morocco’s foreign policy towards African countries, there are also the cultural and religious aspects that we consider it as soft power keys to expand Moroccan presence in the African continent. The analysis of the cultural and religious ties between Morocco and African countries will be the subject of a future paper.

Liste of References:

refrences in Arabic :

1. ليلى الإدريسي العزوزي، “البعد الأمني في العلاقات المغربية الإفريقية”، ورد في كتاب “أبعاد دول المغرب الكبير في إفريقيا : التحولات والتحديات“، إشراف وتنسيق كريمة الصديقي، الطبعة الأولى، المركز الديمقراطي العربي للدراسات الإستراتيجية والسياسية والإقتصادية، برلين، 2020، ص ص 24-40

References in French :

1. ALEXANDRA Arkhangelskaya, « Le retour de MOSCOU en Afrique subsaharienne ? entre héritage soviétique, multilatéralisme et activisme politique »,Afrique contemporaine, n 248, 2013/4, pp 61-74
2. ANTIL Alain « le royaume du Maroc et sa politique envers l’Afrique Sub-Saharienne » étude publié par l’institut Français des relations internationales , novembre,2003
3. BARRE Abdelaziz,”Les relations entre la Maroc et les pays d’Afrique Subsaharienne”, in LAURENCE Marfaing et al.,”Les relations Transsahariennes à l’époque contemporaine”, edition Karthala, 2003, pp 61-88
4. BENI AZZA Abdelmalek, « les dimensions et les perspectives des relations commerciales maroco-sénégalaises » in YAHYA Abou lfarah et al « La présence Marocaine en Afrique de l’ouest : Cas du Senegal,du Mali et de la Cote d’Ivoire »publié par l’institut des études Africaines de Rabat, université Mohmed 5, 1997,pp 105-110
5. BENI AZZA Abdelmalek, « les échanges commerciaux Maroc-Cote d’Ivoire », in YAHYA Abou lfarah et al « La présence Marocaine en Afrique de l’ouest : Cas du Senegal,du Mali et de la Cote d’Ivoire »publié par l’institut des études Africaines de Rabat, université Mohmed 5, 1997,pp 331-336
6. EL MELLOUKI RIFFI Bouhout, « la politique Marocaine de cooperation avec l’afrique subsaharienne : 1960-1994 », in ABDALLAH Saff et al « Le Maroc et l’afrique après l’indépendance », , publié par l’institut des études Africaines de Rabat, université Mohamed 5 , 1996,pp 57-86
7. JEAN-YVES Moisseron et JEAN FRANCOIS Daguzan, «Les ambitions régionales Marocaines en Afrique Sub-Saharienne : une diplomatie royale », Maghreb – Machrek, N 240, 2019/2, pp 77-91
8. SAAF Abdallah, « Notes sur les relations entre le Maroc et quelques pays africains : le Mali, le Gabon, la Zaire », in ABDALLAH Saff et al « Le Maroc et l’afrique après l’indépendance », , publié par l’institut des études Africaines de Rabat, université Mohamed 5 , 1996,pp 87-97
9. STEFFEN Wippel, “Le renouveau des relations Marocaines avec l’Afrique subsaharienne: la formation d’un space économique transsaharien?” in LAURENCE Marfaing et al, “les relations transsahariennes à l’époque contemporaine”, edition Karthala, 2003, pp 27-60

Internet sources :

1. EL- KATIRI Mohammed, « From Assistance to partnership : Morocco and its foreing policy in west Africa », https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep11519, 2015
2. FOLASHADE Soulé-Kohndou, « Histoire contemporaine des relations sud-sud. Les contours d’une évolution graduelle », Afrique contemporaine, n 248,2013-4.pp 108-111,https://www.cairn.info/revue-afrique-contemporaine-2013-4-page-108.htm
3. HASNAOUI Yasmine,”Morocco and the African Union: a new chapter for western Sahara resolution?”,available on : https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep12679, 2017

[1] Polisario: Initially, the Polisario Front- A liberation group founded on May 10, 1973 by Mustapha Sayed El Ouali whose initial goal was to “Opt for revolutionary violence and armed struggle as the means by which the Saharawi population can recover its total liberty and foil the maneuvers of Spanish colonialism’’, then completely changed its course of action, delivering an ambiguous statement in favor of full independence of the Western Sahara, during its second congress in August 1974. This announcement proclaimed the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) as a government-in-exile in Algeria. The Polisario have since received the political, military and diplomatic backing of the Algerian regime against Morocco”. See:

HASNAOUI Yasmine,”Morocco and the African Union: a new chapter for western Sahara resolution?”,available on : https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep12679, 2017, accessed : 01-04-2020 22:49 UTC

[2] ibid

[3] BENI AZZA Abdelmalek, « les dimensions et les perspectives des relations commerciales maroco-sénégalaises » in YAHYA Abou lfarah et al « La présence Marocaine en Afrique de l’ouest : Cas du Senegal,du Mali et de la Cote d’Ivoire »publié par l’institut des études Africaines de Rabat, université Mohmed 5, 1997,pp 106-107[4] EL MELLOUKI RIFFI Bouhout, « la politique Marocaine de cooperation avec l’afrique subsaharienne : 1960-1994 », in ABDALLAH Saff et al « Le Maroc et l’afrique après l’indépendance », , publié par l’institut des études Africaines de Rabat, université Mohamed 5 , 1996,pp 77-78

[5] SAAF Abdallah, « Notes sur les relations entre le Maroc et quelques pays africains : le Mali, le Gabon, la Zaire », in ABDALLAH Saff et al « Le Maroc et l’afrique après l’indépendance », , publié par l’institut des études Africaines de Rabat, université Mohamed 5 , 1996,p93

[6] BENI AZZA Abdelmalek, « les échanges commerciaux Maroc-Cote d’Ivoire », in YAHYA Abou lfarah et al « La présence Marocaine en Afrique de l’ouest : Cas du Senegal,du Mali et de la Cote d’Ivoire »publié par l’institut des études Africaines de Rabat, université Mohmed 5, 1997,pp 331-334

[7] BARRE Abdelaziz,”Les relations entre la Maroc et les pays d’Afrique Subsaharienne”, in LAURENCE Marfaing et al.,”Les relations Transsahariennes à l’époque contemporaine”, edition Karthala, 2003, p 73

[8] ANTIL Alain « le royaume du Maroc et sa politique envers l’Afrique Sub-Saharienne » étude publié par l’institut Français des relations internationales , novembre,2003 , p 40

[9] ALEXANDRA Arkhangelskaya, « Le retour de MOSCOU en Afrique subsaharienne ? entre héritage soviétique, multilatéralisme et activisme politique »,Afrique contemporaine, n 248, 2013/4, p 63

[10] idem

[11] BARRE Abdelaziz,”Les relations entre la Maroc et les pays d’Afrique Subsaharienne”,p 74

[12] BARRE Abdelaziz,”Les relations entre la Maroc et les pays d’Afrique Subsaharienne”, p81

[13] JEAN-YVES Moisseron et JEAN FRANCOIS Daguzan, «Les ambitions régionales Marocaines en Afrique Sub-Saharienne : une diplomatie royale », Maghreb – Machrek , N 240, 2019/2, p79

[14] idem

[15]  ليلى الإدريسي العزوزي، “البعد الأمني في العلاقات المغربية الإفريقية”، ورد في كتاب “أبعاد دول المغرب الكبير في إفريقيا  : التحولات والتحديات“، إشراف وتنسيق كريمة الصديقي، الطبعة الأولى، المركز الديمقراطي العربي للدراسات الإستراتيجية والسياسية والإقتصادية، برلين، 2020، ص 13

[16] EL- KATIRI Mohammed, « From Assistance to partnership : Morocco and its foreing policy in west Africa », https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep11519, 2015, Accessed: 01-04-2020 22:51 UTC

[17] Idem

[18] In 1992, the three countries of North America ( Mexico, USA , Canada) founded the ALENA group. In the same year, European countries members of economic community decided to create the European Union

[19] UMA :Maghreb Arab Union, was established in 1989 by fife countries of north africa : Algeria, Morocco, Mauritania, Libya, Tunisia. But, the thorny problems between its members, especially between Morocco and Algeria concerning borders and western Sahara conflict led to the stagnation of the body until nowadays.

[20] STEFFEN Wippel, “Le renouveau des relations Marocaines avec l’Afrique subsaharienne: la formation d’un space économique transsaharien?” in LAURENCE Marfaing et al, “les relations transsahariennes à l’époque contemporaine”, edition Karthala, 2003, P 39

[21] EL- KATIRI Mohammed, « From Assistance to partnership : Morocco and its foreing policy in west Africa », p 17

[22] STEFFEN Wippel, “Le renouveau des relations Marocaines avec l’Afrique subsaharienne: la formation d’un space économique transsaharien?”, p 38

[23] JEAN-YVES Moisseron et JEAN FRANCOIS Daguzan, «Les ambitions régionales Marocaines en Afrique Sub-Saharienne : une diplomatie royale », p 80

[24] For more informations, see : FOLASHADE Soulé-Kohndou, « Histoire contemporaine des relations sud-sud. Les contours d’une évolution graduelle », Afrique contemporaine, n 248,2013-4.pp 108-111,https://www.cairn.info/revue-afrique-contemporaine-2013-4-page-108.htm Accesed : 2-04-2020

[25] Abdurrahman Youssoufi (1924-2020) : Moroccan Socialist figure and one of the prominent opposition leaders, he worked all his life for democratization in Morocco, famous of been leader of the Moroccan government between 1998 and 2002.

[26] ANTIL Alain, «  le royaume du Maroc et sa politique envers l’Afrique Sub-Saharienne », pp40-41

[27] STEFFEN Wippel, “Le renouveau des relations Marocaines avec l’Afrique subsaharienne: la formation d’un space économique transsaharien?”, p34

[28] Ibid, p36

[29] EL- KATIRI Mohammed, « From Assistance to partnership : Morocco and its foreign policy in west Africa », pp 11-14

[30] Ibid, pp 14-15