Research studies

The rise of regional importance Morocco in the American strategy of the new deployment in Africa

 

Prepared by the researcher : Kezzoute Mhammed. PHD candidate – Laboratory of Studies and Legal, Administrative and Political Research – Faculty of Legal, Economic and Social Science – Mohammed I University, Oujda.

Democratic Arab Center

Journal of Strategic and Military Studies : Fifteenth Issue – June 2022

A Periodical International Journal published by the “Democratic Arab Center” Germany – Berlin

Nationales ISSN-Zentrum für Deutschland
 ISSN  2626-093X
Journal of Strategic and Military Studies

 

Abstract

The article we are writing is part of the illustrative, disjointing and analytical context of the real dimensions and intentions behind the American recognition of Morocco Sahara as an attempt to give a new reading aimed at taking the debate on this important issue out of the box of previous political, legal, media and historical scenarios by adopting a new methodology whereby we want to reach the real backgrounds of recognition of the morocanity of the Sahara. Through our research, we also aim to clarify the United States of America’s special interests in the region and the backgrounds of its growing interest in it, its relationship with the vision and far-reaching schemes of the African continent in general and its conflict with the competing schemes of other regional and global powers. Finally, relying on the analysis and reading of internal indicators and their interactions with the foregoing, we will try to confirm our hypothesis that American recognition of Morocco is not a political or electoral position related to a particular elected initiative and may disappear or change its drafting conditions. but it is a strategic position that reflects the United States of America’s new vision for the African continent and how it wants its new position to be based on solid material foundations.

Introduction

It is not a secret to any of the scholars and observers of the field of international relations and its current interactions, how the speed of changes that are now marking the face of the world is moving towards bringing about changes that will have a profound impact and reflection on various fields and regions. Since the current many fluctuations, whether of economic, political and strategic origin, or as a result of direct threats to the security and safety of distant regions of the world, they have had a great impact not only on the lives of the main countries and the main actors, but also in a deeper way that affects the lives of every component in the field of international relations And directly affect his behavior and the form and manner of movement.

In the face of the growing volume of quantitative transformations, continuous interactions, and unlimited interconnections at all levels and between many fields, and with the succession of global crises and their multiplicity of forms, many regions across the world have become, which in the past did not occupy an important space in the foreign policies of the great powers in practice – after this amount From transformations – they have become of sudden strategic value and importance, not only because of the growing regional importance of some of them as hotbeds of conflict and a source of escalating security threats, but also in terms of what they pose on the other hand as a basic factor and added value in the general context of making policies and future strategies for these great powers and serving their strategic perceptions New and even its ambitions in other stations.

International life is a course of interactions and not a fixed linear pattern. The law that governs relations between states in general and bilateral relations in particular is a system of successive variables, and for this reason the accumulation of strategic perceptions[1] To a party, regionally or internationally, is what determines the size and type of attention and attention to it and the amount of change in its direction.

 This is the basic basis upon which to assess what each case is questioned of support or refusal due to the threat or consistency of these perceptions with the interests of the great powers in general and the US regional interests in particular, such as internal security and economic and commercial activities and the level of diplomacy.

Therefore, when an assessment or study is given about the relationship of the United States of America with a country or a region, or more clearly in our case, it is necessary to know the secret and background to the recognition of the Moroccanness of the Sahara. It becomes necessary to depart from the previous stereotyped frameworks for all and most of the discussions related to the issue of the Sahara.

Therefore, asking the following questions is part of our special approach that we intend to base and resort to to formulate the assumptions through which we hope to reach our own results regarding the issue at the center of analysis and to know how this country, region or geographical area in the process of the study acquired this sudden position within the American perspective and how it was Granted this distinction to American decision makers? Is this position considered the focus of internal American consensus? Is it different in terms of goals from the previous positions of the great powers that have been searching for their individual interests only at a time when their real goals were to divide the country, weaken it and control its wealth? And how can it be preserved and invested in light of the changes of interest and the lack of fulfillment of obligations?

Before delving into the path of answering the questions, a plan for the assumptions that would support the confirmation of our suspicions or prove the error of our approach in anticipating the future of recognition and its seriousness in a general context of fluctuations, interactions and global instability, must be developed.

If we see that many build their vision of the new position within a framework of excessive enthusiasm based only on the euphoria of the media victory, this is what forces us to stress that it is also wrong to believe that the American recognition of the Moroccanity of the Sahara is nothing more than a mere political position for a fading administration that contributed some of the minor factors in Its formulation, with its demise or correction of its status, we may find ourselves in the place of (Statu Quo) or the previous situation by the force of law and the language of elections[2].

Therefore, we see that the decision is strategically isolated from internal political skirmishes (of a managerial nature) to a large extent and is linked to a set of global transformations, regional conflicts and geopolitical ambitions that precipitated it and contributed to drawing its final picture, which by its continuation of a strategic decision continues to apply. Although the American recognition decision had a significant impact on the general course of the case, which has lived inside the halls of the United Nations for decades[3].

However, from the political point of view, American diplomacy and the statements and promises of American diplomatic officials alone cannot be considered a basis for building a correct theory through which to predict the future behavior of the United States of America and its actions towards the issue and the recognition of the morrocanity of the Sahara. On the one hand, the United States of America, as a superpower, aspires to create global and regional balances and to stand at the same distance in its relationship with all parties in order to maintain its position and continuity at the head of the global system and not to deviate or take sides without any other.

On the other hand, without any justifications because we see before us Many historical experiences that reflect the nature of American pragmatic policy and the huge and rapid changes in its attitudes and practices towards many issues that it has been directly preoccupied with according to what its supreme interest dictates and not what its conscience dictates.

 Hence, it can be said that the American recognition, despite the number of positive changes it has brought about in the course of the Sahara issue, has raised the pace of challenges and entered the file into a new category of considerations that were recently far from the focus of influences that determined the framework of the issue in legal and diplomatic pleading and traditional military balances[4].

This would put a strain on the traditional institutional tools and means that we are accustomed to seeing in the field of defending the Moroccanity of the Sahara globally, regionally and even internally. This may indicate a weak anticipation of the future of the issue, which has become difficult to keep pace with the same old traditional analytical methods. From here, the emphasis is based on the specificity and importance of our approach to studying the issue, which we do not want to limit to one point of view, but according to a (Pluridisciplinarity) perspective that combines many analytical, historical, political, diplomatic, economic and strategic elements…etc.[5].

It is hoped that it will contribute to clarifying the vision, clarifying the real backgrounds for recognition, creating an added value in the general context of the national debate on the Sahara issue, and finally opening the many horizons to the new dynamism of Moroccan diplomacy. In order to reach our research goal, we will divide the work into several primary and secondary axes, the first of which is based on the weakening and increasing position of the United States of America in the African continent, while the second axis will occupy an explanation of how the latter became aware and how it works to restore its general position, strengthen its influence and presence within the continent and choose its allies.

  1. The weakness of American influence on the continent

In particular, the US-Moroccan relations are based on ancient historical foundations, as they are the subject of diplomatic consensus on both sides, due to their ancient and distinguished character[6]. In practice, however, it was lost It is historically framed within the same context that characterized American relations with the African continent and the third world countries in general.10% of the US population is from African origin, the African continent was for the Americans a pawn they used during the Cold War to combat communism, and now it is another pawn they use to fight terrorism[7].

But despite the political use made by the United States of America of the peoples of the continent and their causes in the service of its struggle with the eastern camp and the fight against the spread of communism in the African continent, it was It is unique among the traditional great powers through its position in support of the independence of peoples and the right of the colonies to self-determination[8].

There are many reasons that have contributed to narrowing the angle through which the image of Africa has diminished in the eyes of American analysts, strategists and decision-makers, and vice versa. Despite its official support for the independence of the new African countries and its creation in1958 private office In Africa and the Middle East, which was affiliated with the US State Department in order to support and keep pace with emerging countries[9].

However, its involvement in many political and military manipulations and immoral actions within the continent in general during the Cold War period contributed to the formation and formation of an anti-American psychology that made the process of continuing to establish influence farther and more difficult than the fact that Africa was a secondary issue in the programs of American politicians and leaders, but rather closer to the weight of The events that were implicated in the United States of America and had a greater impact in stabilizing the negative image more than any other positive image[10].

On the one hand, these factors contributed to increasing the gap between the peoples of the continent and the United States of America, and drew and printed the general line of its policy towards the continent for decades, and as it is not hidden from us that the North African region is an integral part of the continent in general, he had great luck from this image, which limited the United States The American intervention in it is part of its comprehensive vision of the continent, which is based in all its manifestations on a pragmatic, utilitarian view that has always been characterized by indifference and arrogance at other times. Even sarcastic at times. In the same context, strategic analyst Richard Parker answers the fact that American diplomacy does not move in the Maghreb region except in cases of crises[11].

That is, I do not give great importance to the continent and its developmental economic and social problems at all, in return for its interest in other, more urgent issues, while still maintaining its same security outlook and policy. Pure pragmatism, some modest and ineffective attempts[12].

As the American interest in North Africa in general remained lukewarm and very weak compared to its preoccupations in other regions of the world, which the United States gives a special priority, its influence was increasing in some regions, especially East Asia and Latin America exclusively, and this backwardness can be monitored in practice in our region and the continent In general, through the negative accumulation of a group of events that harmed the image of these great powers on the continent, which was reflected in their perceptions and practices of gradual gradualism from semi-absence to complete absence of solving African problems, despite some initiatives that, as we mentioned, remained modest and ineffective.

Despite all the limited attempts to win the hearts of Africans made by some successive administrations, the keenness to give priority to unilateral trade and economic interests and to establish the foundations of globalization in favor of the United States of America has always remained the master of the situation[13].

 Through the accumulation of neglect and the lack of active participation in the events of the continent, the current calls of some American officials have risen, which say that the neglect of the United States of Africa in general and its preservation of the same outlook towards Africa during the Cold War period is what allowed China to expand inside it without any trouble and increased the influence of some competitors others are unacceptable. That is, among the real motives that formed a new awareness of some American leaders in the African continent is their unreassuringly and increasing feeling from the escalating Chinese expansion within the continent as well as other competitors, and the corresponding decrease in the size of the continuing American influence.

 As China, which does not have any negative or immoral history or political conspiracies in its relations with the peoples of the continent, has exploited the difference and exploited the Western predicament in general and benefited positively from its African history. In order to increase its influence and strengthen its partnerships in order to ensure the expansion and prosperity of its trade[14]. In addition to the volume of intensive commercial and industrial investments, successive Chinese presidents have intensified their visits to Africa on a record in the past twenty years, which were in total to support trade exchange and strengthen China’s exports to the African continent[15].

Only during these years was China able to displace the traditional partners – the Europeans in particular – for African countries, especially the partnerships inherited from colonialism, and it almost completely controlled all markets[16].

There is another factor that can be added to justify the growing awareness of the United States of America of the necessity of a strong return to the African continent, which is that the facts of the field feed its current absolute belief in the inability of its Western allies, especially the French and British, to preserve their interests and interests within their areas of influence and their traditional points of influence in the face of Chinese commercial hegemony and insistence Russia to take a share of the emerging African markets and share influence and wealth in the region[17]. On the surface, successive US administrations, including Democrats and Republicans, differed over the official vision for the continent, but in essence, they all remained united in the face of the Chinese threat.–And the Russian – escalating globally, especially with regard to their penetration into Africa, and clinging to the need to restructure its strategic vision towards the continent[18].

    A – The failure of the philosophy of relying on allies

By tracking many diplomatic indicators, the history of American and French relations, and the historical legacy between the two countries, it becomes clear that we are in front of strong historical alliances, but in practice it becomes clear that this path itself has gone through and is going through many setbacks, especially because of the problems that the traditional Western allies see in some issues of a nature private as well as global[19].

 Hence, it can be said that the general direction taken by the American recognition of the Moroccan Sahara is interspersed with many matters that are not of a subjective nature related only to the unilateral American considerations, but also to another set of conditions related to the difference in some assessments with its European allies for some issues, their weakness and their inability to keep pace with others. It controls the rise of China globally and within the continent in particular at all commercial, economic, diplomatic, security and military levels and its solutions are smooth and easy in place of the traditional Western powers that occupied a historical space and benefited from countless privileges exploiting its colonial and political legacy within the continent[20].

It should be noted that the rise of China and its replacement of the main allies within the African continent is not only a worrying indicator for the United States of America and a catalyst for the need to rearrange the cards, but also the unprecedented Russian incursion since the Cold War period, where Russian diplomacy has become present with all its force in many African countries. Its impact has become clear through the field changes brought about by the intelligence and military arms, as well as the Russian media machine in particular, as well as the security developments that have played in their favor in many areas within the African continent[21].

That is why the following axis will be a detailed axis on this rise, which, although limited in its general form to the two prominent forces globally, in its details combines many other special demands. With other regionally emerging powers such as Turkey, Brazil, India … etc., each of which wants a share of the emerging markets and part of the development opportunities available within the continent. And how will this situation of multiple rise contribute to creating a climate of economic, diplomatic and political competition – neo-imperialism – Which will inevitably lead to a conflict in the strategic visions between the competitors within the African continent.

B – The rise of China and the return of Russia

As previously mentioned, the short strategic view of the United States of America, the weak focus of the allies, and their inability to keep pace with developments within the continent due to their internal problems are among the reasons that contributed to the penetration of some of the alternatives that African countries used for their development and construction, with China at the fore[22]. And considering that China, the African leaders trusted China and gave it high

credibility, because it was not a colonial empire that lived on plundering wealth, selling people, and destroying countries as the Western colonizer did, and on the other hand, it does not interfere – or as it suggests – in the internal affairs of any African country, Grants and aid are offered without preconditions, and in an economic sense, they make commercial deals, where they buy oil and raw materials in exchange for developing dilapidated or non-existent infrastructure[23].

Since it has also been an economic partner that prevails in the nature of common and mutual interest between the parties over the logic of coercion and inequality since the fifties and the beginning of the Sino-African relations, it has strengthened its cooperative path with many diplomatic institutional frameworks in order to ensure the continuation of this cooperation[24]. It is the only one that possesses the commercial, industrial and financial potentials globally, which brings it closer to exploiting and acquiring locally emerging opportunities.

Only by doubling all its numbers, which jumped in all fields to record levels[25]. And since it was natural for the unprecedented Chinese economic superiority to turn into a political and diplomatic consensus, as well as an indicator of concern within the circles of American strategic thinking, as one of the features of the future collision between the two powers and a new indication of the rise of a power that might return the Cold War scenarios to the new front[26]. It has become necessary to review the traditional thinking and the angle of knowledge inherited from the Cold War.

However, what has complicated the situation is not only the rise of China and its soft supremacy and winning the favor of Africa and African leaders, but also the sporadic attempts of other powers to win the continent’s affection, especially the European powers, especially Russia, which is working hard to strengthen its strategic position and ensure its place in the series Global competition to seize the opportunities of Africa[27].

Unlike China, which relies on soft power in order to consolidate and strengthen its position, and through steps that are hardly audible, but very fruitful[28]. Russia’s policy, despite all its diplomatic efforts to improve its economic and diplomatic position, remains more suspicious of the United States of America and its allies, due to the different modus operandi and aggressiveness of its policy. Although the Russian-African economic and diplomatic initiatives are numerous and varied and take many forms of partnership and cooperation from the collective summit of 2019[29] to many other bilateral and tripartite agreements[30]. However, its impact is limited compared to what China earns.

For example, for this we find that Russia differs in terms of some orientations in its vision of Africa and how it adopts a view of its own in order to consolidate its influence, avoid Western sanctions and close European markets to it, by focusing on some regions and countries that are considered reliable partners and inherited at the same time from the Soviet era[31]. This Russian view of the continent, although it has limited impact in terms of gains and is limited in terms of economic activities to the trade in resources and weapons, was not spared the sharp criticism of senior American politicians and strategists by focusing on the work of Russian private military companies on the fact that they have a destabilizing effect in Africa, because they Corrupt regimes support and secure a large Russian military presence worldwide and within the African continent, especially through these activities.

Then, in addition to this, Russia seeks, according to the same vision, to create a naval base in Somalia and a naval logistics center in Eritrea, and by increasing its military influence in some countries of the Sahel, these will develop. Activities in the direction of bringing about major geopolitical changes that would weaken the American presence and all future efforts to reach the continent[32].

2 – New attention, new return and the necessity of strong focus

    There were many reasons behind which the necessity of paying attention and returning to the continent became necessary and urgent to curb the Chinese rise and the increasing Russian presence at all levels. For this reason, American diplomacy began a new dynamic to re-establish it and reposition it within the continent. Hence, it is possible to monitor a new beginning in the new American strategy for Africa or the American interest in some important issues on the continent and the direct diplomatic contribution to resolving some conflicts and providing financial and in-kind assistance in many other matters and issues related to health and education[33].

Only the beginning of the transformation. These are still marred by some contradictions that, if they can be judged, are still different in terms of evaluating the successive administrations from Democrats to Republicans, and since each of them has his own point of view and how to manage the files, we note the number of formal variables in practice and their impact on some management tracks. If the administration of (Barak Obama) has its own distinctive characteristics in dealing with the continent in general, then the administration of President (Donald Trump) took another, more realistic approach, while the current administration adopts a special method[34].

On the surface, it can be said that there are many differences in the process of managing and formulating a unified strategic vision for the African continent, as each administration is distinguished from the previous one in practical terms in many respects, such as the nature of political activities and diplomatic forces devoted to achieving the goals of the United States of America in reaching the continent. However, theoretically and strategically, no future US administration or government can allow the uncalculated Russian expansion of military, security and strategic risks, nor allow the unacceptable incursion of the Chinese giant and unconditionally allow for economic and geopolitical gains.

A – There is no strong return without strong allies

The difference in the management of the continent revolves around the conflicting powers over influence, as each powers have their own way of translating their goals on the ground. For example, China is interested in specific regions and not others, which justifies its increasing focus on the straits, transit areas and important commercial areas, while Russia focuses on some countries With their different locations, which have a common character or denominator, which is that they are all oil and gas producing countries or countries that were allies of the Soviet Union during the Cold War period[35].

Therefore, the United States of America should do the same by focusing its efforts on points Certain countries and certain countries have some of the ingredients that may be absent from many of the countries of the continent. Hence, the process of selecting partners who will contribute to the process of strengthening the American position on the African continent was precise and strategic.

The US economic presence on the continent is very weak, especially the military presence, compared to some other competing powers such as Iran, China, Russia, and even France and India, which makes the process of basing and new positioning very difficult[36]Because the temptations offered by Washington and Europe, despite all the initiatives, remain weak in return for the money and investments that China alone pumps into the African continent[37].

The United States of America also attaches greater importance to cooperation in military and security matters in return for paying attention to development and investment issues that Africa in general needs[38]. Despite diplomatic statements, tours and promises, the American policy towards the continent is still tainted by many shortcomings, which we believe contributed to focusing the vision more on the way to choose allies whose countries will form a solid ground for launching American diplomacy towards Africa.

Since the indicators of strategic awareness were one of the most important methods of measuring strength in American strategic studies through what they contributed as a special methodology that enabled American strategists to evaluate and resolve their view of many issues, it is the same method adopted in our study in order to reveal the reasons for the American choice of Morocco as an important focal point for the launch of diplomacy New to Africa. This will also help us in understanding the nature and seriousness of the promises made by the United States of America to the continent, as they do not include in their entirety all countries, but are directed only to those who are first and closest to achieving its aspirations.

Before proceeding to determine the foundations on which the United States of America wants to rebuild its diplomacy, it should be noted that the American-Moroccan relations are historically long-established diplomatic relations, but this is not the basic premise adopted by the United States in order to get closer to Morocco and to recognize the Moroccanity of its Sahara[39]. By tracking some analytical indicators, it appears that the size of the economic and political changes that Morocco has introduced and the various partnerships that it has undertaken with many countries and from different continents in the past years are more than just traditional economic partnerships, but are among the foundations adopted by Morocco to bring about changes in the balance of regional policy and consolidation For his vision and a new concept based on laying the foundations of diversity, providing the ground for competition, increasing global opportunities for polarization, and stabilizing the image of a safe crossing towards Africa[40].

For this reason, we note the broadening of the base of beneficiaries, the diversity of global partners and the multiplicity of their activities within Morocco[41], but also transforming itself into a competitive internal space of (BRICS) In order to create an economic dynamism that helps accelerate internal development on the one hand, and on the other hand improve its position within the regional and global economic indicators[42].

The consolidation of this trend comes from Morocco’s belief in what qualifications and economic resources have become in the balance of politics, global power and international relations and their ability to make differences and change positions in international politics, and based on a strong knowledge of the influence that new economic actors have become in the political relations between countries and their ability to The direct impact on the conduct of some issues and outstanding files between the halls of the United Nations for years.

 In terms of geography, the geographical location occupied by Morocco gives it great positive possibilities thanks to its proximity to Europe, the vastness of its Atlantic and Mediterranean coasts, its openness to the Arab world, and its historical African depth. It wants to develop its relationship with Morocco and enhance its position in Africa, but rather as a basis for strengthening future partnerships with multiple parties such as Russia, in which Morocco participated strongly in its conference with African countries[43].

Then from the diplomatic, political and religious point of view, Morocco worked through active diplomacy at all levels to accumulate a unique experience through its qualitative presence in international and regional forums and through continuous support for many African issues and through effective field presence or indirect support[44].

Finally, from the military and security point of view, the military partnerships undertaken by Morocco cannot be limited in any way to the scope of military cooperation specified only in the framework of the deals and acquisitions that Morocco has undertaken in order to develop its military arsenal with many partners, which in terms of its diversity and multiplicity of sources Its supply reflects a specific vision that depends on the diversity that characterizes the defense policy trends of Morocco, despite the limited budget allocated compared to some neighboring countries[45]. In practice, the maneuvers that he has been carrying out for years with some Western partners, led by the United States of America, reflect the extent of the strategic rapprochement between the two countries and the desire of the United States of America to expand its sphere of influence and enhance the security of its most important allies in the African continent[46].

3- The geopolitical and strategic importance of Morocco for the U.S.A

The process of listing and analyzing the strategic perceptions that made it possible to crystallize the political perception of the United States of America in relation to Morocco and change its view of it from a traditional partner to a partner of greater importance is many and involves local and global overlap. These new analytical elements, generated from the general weakness of American influence on the continent, as well as the cooling of the influence of traditional allies in their former colonies in the face of the Chinese rise and the urgent desire of the Russians to restore their African position, and the transformation of the continent in general into a space for conflict and geopolitical competition[47].

Finally, the manifestations of openness and development that Morocco shows as an expression of excellence in an environment that is not characterized by much movement compared to the sea of multiple changes surrounding the region, from security problems to development problems[48].

These elements have contributed to changing the American strategic vision for Morocco, which is no longer based, as in the past, only on the foundations of fixed geopolitics, but the variables of the political arena within the continent and the recommendations of specialists not only contributed to increasing the American conviction of the need to re-focus in Africa and search for strong allies, but also in Developing the awareness of those in charge of managing Moroccan strategic files of the need to study major global trends and changes, take advantage of these variables and balance them according to what serve the interests of some external and internal issues.

For this reason, the American recognition of the Moroccan Sahara came from a diplomatic point of view as a qualitative shift in the historical American-Moroccan relations, and from a strategic point of view as a new vision formed by a pattern of conflicting variables in Africa in general and in North Africa and Morocco in particular. From an economic point of view, there is an urgent American need to pave the way for American investments towards the continent and to benefit from the important development and reconstruction contracts on the continent, while politically it is an opportunity to level the playing field with strong competitors who do not hide their desire for total control of the continent.

As the American recognition of the Moroccan Sahara will contribute to strengthening military, security, economic and commercial partnerships. And the development of political relations with the countries of the depth of Africa by relying on the same perceptions of Morocco to reach further into the depth of the continent. It is expected, according to the results of the study o these variables and perceptions, that it will be a negotiating path between many long-term balances and not an end point in a long-lived conflict between the halls of the United Nations, but also Because of the unresolved internal American political problems[49].

A – The Sahara issue, from maneuvering to direct support

Certainly, the American recognition of the Moroccan Sahara, from the point of view of American pragmatism, is not a gift or a diplomatic compliment. Rather, it is a decision that is subject to a lot of scrutiny and study of the changes that the continent has experienced in general. That is, it was found obligatory to satisfy a need and satisfy a new American trend in international strategy and politics before it It is a predilection for an old ally or a recognition of its historical right in a case that the United States of America has historically kept far from the issues of the entire African continent, and even more so, the subject of extortion in some stations[50]. For this reason, the sudden shift in the position of the American administration from the point of view of strategists and researchers constituted a fertile material for studying the determinants, origins and extensions of this qualitative move by the United States of America towards an issue that remained far from it. Africa[51].

We have sent a lot of ink in an attempt to understand and frame these variables that contributed to changing the position of the United States in general towards the African continent and its attempt to directly influence, in particular, by interfering in some outstanding issues or through other forms of diplomacy and force[52]. But it was not possible to limit this transformation is within the framework of substantive changes, but we have also begun to clarify the elements of self- attraction that Morocco has established over decades in order to ensure rapprochement, which consist of economic cooperation, military cooperation, security coordination…etc.

It is certain that the end of the homogenization (the permanent normalization of positions and the establishment of economic interdependence completely) the elements of attraction will not end with the American recognition of the Sahara issue, but it is clear that it was the beginning of a new series of cooperation and negotiation on many common issues[53].

If we consider in terms of partial confirmation of our hypothesis, it can be said that the new path is not only of individual interest to the United States of America and only, but it is also the beginning of a series of long-term cooperation based on a new interactive and realistic understanding and vision for American-Moroccan relations, which will become based on cooperation, partnership and consultation, not On what was circulated before from the exploitation and interest. The continuation of the mutual interest between the parties to the agreement is the only guarantee for the continuation of the situation and the development of cooperation in all directions. It is the only solution that can advance the path of full internal conviction on the part of the internal elites in the United States of America. Also, the desire to obtain positive results in this partnership would become a motivating factor. to the other global powers in order to adopt the American initiative and follow the path of its directions.

b- Economic and security cooperation

Throughout the history of its relations with Morocco, the United States of America desires to strengthen cooperation not only through the angle of military cooperation, but to extend this diplomacy to reach other angles where the economic aspect is the basis in order to strengthen and develop bilateral relations and make them distant and unaffected by the escalating political fluctuations globally and in the region in particular This is through two main initiatives, through which the United States of America seeks to strengthen its strategy for Africa[54]. That’s why I formed American investments directed to Morocco in recent years have made a qualitative leap compared to the years of the war Cold, which at its best did not leave the place of aid and gifts and only[55].

As for the security aspect, it can be said that the intertwining of geopolitical interactions in the region since the collapse of the Libyan regime and the fragility of the political systems surrounding Morocco due to the succession of economic and social crises and their weak ability to control matters internally, in addition to the calculations of the strategic competition between the traditional major powers and other emerging powers on the continent in general. And in the region in particular. It contributed significantly to undermining the general security situation and directly contributed to the increase in the flow of light weapons and military equipment and the flourishing of drug and contraband trade. It also encouraged the rise of international criminal networks in the region, while the Sahara region became a haven and an extension of these criminal organizations and extremist terrorist organizations[56]. The foregoing is what reinforces, according to our belief, to the United States of America, the importance of the Moroccan role as the ideal partner in which the conditions for a safe and responsible partnership, close and stable cooperation, and an effective contribution to ensuring the stability of the region, and consequently the stability of the fragile American interests due to the many security risks that threaten the restoration position on the continent[57].

Conclusion

Our attempt, through this article, is to redefine US-Moroccan relations according to a new perspective based on a study that follows the pattern of geopolitical variables surrounding Morocco in particular. And trying to predict its dimensions and future paths, as well as how it has contributed and its repercussions will contribute to influencing the main trends in US foreign policy towards the issue of the Sahara.

By also explaining the general image of the African continent and what characterizes the climate of changes within it in general, we have clarified the nature of the American recognition of the Moroccanity of the Sahara, as it is a strategic position related in particular to the pivotal transformations in the continent and the aspirations of the United States of America and has nothing to do with the American electoral competition.

We also aim to understand and anticipate the results of these variables, which have become a necessary issue, not only in order to clarify the picture before the specialists and officials in the management of some files, but also to provide a cognitive effort in order to launch a new research dynamism in the field of studies related to the desert and open the horizons for diplomacy based on investing opportunities. And the development of gains, not on chanting slogans and limiting ourselves to the legacy of the Cold War.

An in-depth knowledge of what surrounds the American recognition of the Moroccan Sahara would show and contribute to defining the real vision behind this recognition that it is not from diplomatic altruism or what American politicians and diplomats have been saying, but rather a decision based on a deep strategic vision of American interests within the continent in general and its relationship with Morocco And North Africa and the Sahara in particular, where we believe that despite the different political assessments between Republicans and Democrats, from a geostrategic point of view, recognizing the Moroccanity of the Sahara will remain a matter of general direction in American foreign policy in general and an urgent geopolitical necessity in order to limit the upward growth of competing forces that may put an end to influence America globally, not only within the continent.

The refusal of other powers to follow the path of the United States of America, and its explicit expression on this in international forums and events, should not mean at all to move away from these forces and limit themselves to strengthening ties with the American administration only, but rather as an incentive to focus efforts more in order to convince it of the Moroccan point of view. Limiting the American recognition or relying on the support of traditional allies only is not healthy from a geostrategic point of view, because to the extent that it is possible to consider the American recognition of the Moroccan Sahara as a positive action, the utilitarianism rooted in the American political behavior would weaken the course of cooperation and narrow the chances of balance. That is why it is necessary.

The trend towards ensuring greater conviction on the part of the competing powers in Africa of the feasibility and efficacy of the Moroccan point of view as the path that would enhance the diplomatic balance, especially since in the short term, the American position still needed more openness to it, an understanding of its contradictions, and the assimilation of all its positions.

Awareness that the African continent has become a playground for geopolitical competition between the traditional major powers as well as the emerging or emerging powers is among the keys that will help in the process of managing contradictions in favor of the cooperative and negotiating path that will accompany and enhance the American recognition of the Moroccan Sahara, because it will constitute a strong incentive for diplomatic investment to the differences between The future visions of the future of the continent on the part of these powers will, according to our belief, strengthen the diplomacy of balance and give it a new breath and great negotiating opportunities.

List of references and links in English and French language

  • Abourabi (Y.), « Les relations internationales du Maroc : Le Maroc à la recherche
    d’une identité stratégique », Edition, Centre Jacques-Berque, 2015, 14 p.
  • Akinlolu (E. A.) & Olusola (O.), « Russo-African Relations and electoral democracy:
    Assessing the implications of Russia’s renewed interest for Africa », Edition, African
    Security Review, 2021, 19 p.
  • Arief (A.), « Westen Sahara », Edition, Congressional Research Service, 2014, 15 p.
    Babrieni (Ch.), « Western Sahara Case : a fight for resources », Edition, LUISS Guido
    Carli University, 2017, 5 p.
  • Birgerson (M.), Kozeiakhen (A.) & Kanet (N.), « La politique russe en Afrique :
    désengagement ou coopération ? », Edition, Revue d’études Comparatives Est-Ouest,
    1996, 26 p.
  • Besenyő (J.), « Another Showdown in Western Sahara ? », Edition, Terrorism and
    Political Violence, 2021, 9 p.
  • Campbell (H. G.), « The Quagmire of US Militarism in Africa », Edition, Council for
    the Development of Social Science Research in Africa, 2020, 44 p.
  • Corkin (J. N.), « China’s rising Soft Power : the role of rhetoric in constructing ChinaAfrica relations », Edition, Revista Brasileira, 2014, 24 p.
  • Hasnaoui (Y.), « Morocco and the African Union: a New Chapter for Western Sahara
    Resolution? », Edition, Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, 2017, 20 p.
  • Joffé (G.), « The Western Sahara and the United States », Edition, The Journal of
    North African Studies, 2019, 7 p.
  • Kasha (B. A.), « Resistance and Complacency: Cold War Legacies and the
    Geopolitics of the Western Sahara », Edition, The Faculty of the College of Arts and
    Sciences In Candidacy for the Degree of Departmental Honors in International Studies,
    2019, 38 p.
  • Kirat (B.), « The Colonisation Process of Western Sahara », Edition, Oxford
    Consultancy International, 2017, 9 p.
  • Mei (B. Y.), « Morocco’s regionalization Roadmap and the Western Sahara »,
    Edition, International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, Vol. 31 No. 1/2, 2011, 17 p.
  • Molina (F. I.) & Garcia (R. O.), « Western Sahara as a Hybrid of a Parastate and a
    State-in-Exile: (Extra) territoriality and the Small Print of Sovereignty in a Context of
    Frozen Conflict », Edition, Nationalities Papers, 2020, 17 p.
  • Martin (C.G.), « Rethinking the Concept of a “Durable Solution”: Sahrawi Refugee
    Camps Four Decades On », Edition, Carnegie Council for Ethics in International
    Affairs, 2017, 31, N°3, pp 31—47.
  • Oleifa (T.), « Revisiting Morocco and Sustainable Peace in Western Sahara »,
    Edition, Peace and Conflict Studies, 2012, 13 p.
  • Ogunnoiki (O. A.), « Russia-Africa Relations in the 21st Century : Symbiotic or
    Predatory ? »,Edition, Covenant University Journal of Politics & International Affairs.
    9 No. 2, 11, 2021, 15 p.
  • Theofilopoulou (A.), « The United Nations and Western Sahara A Never-ending
    Affair », Edition, Special Report 166, United States Institute of Peace, 2006, 20 p.
  • Lemarchand (R.), « The C.I.A. in Africa: How Central? How Intelligent ? », Edition,
    The Journal of Modern African Studies, 1976, 27 p.
  • Profaion (U.), « Western Sahara: Meltdown of a Frozen Conflict », Edition, Centre
    for Geopolitics and Security in Realism Studies, 2016, 11 p.
  • Zunes (S.), « the united states and the western sahara peace process », Edition, Middel
    East Policy, Vol V, N° 04, January 1998, 16 p.
  • Taib (M.), «The Mineral Industries of Morocco and Western Sahara», Edition,
    Minerals Yearbook, 2016, 13 p.
  • Zoubir (H. Y.) &Gambier (K.), « The United States and the North African Imbroglio:
    Balancing Interests in Algeria, Morocco, and the Western Sahara », Edition,
    Mediterranean Politics Review, 2006, 23 p.
  • Zoubir (H. Y.), « The Western Sahara Conflict: Regional and International
    Dimensions », Edition, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 1990, 20 p.
  • Zoubir (H. Y.) & Karima (B.), « Morocco, Western Sahara and the future of the
    Maghrib », Edition, The Journal of North African Studies, 2006, 30 p.
  • Saidy (B.), « American Interests in the Western Sahara Conflict », Edition, Journal of
    the National Committee on American Foreign Policy, V 33 N° 2, 2011, 8 p.
  • Wilson (A.), « Ambivalences of mobility: Rival state authorities and mobile strategies
    in a Saharan conflict », Edition, American Ethnologist Volume 44 N°1, 2017, 14 p.
  • White (N.), « Conflict Stalemate in Morocco and Western Sahara: Natural Resources,
    Legitimacy and Political Recognition », Edition, Bitish Journal of Middel Eastern
    Studies, 2014, 20 p.
  • S. Embassy & Consulates in Morocco « History of The US and Morocco »,
    Disponible on URL Adress https://ma.usembassy. gov/ourrelationship/ policyh
    istory/io/#:~:text=Over%20the%20past%20three%20decades,by%20high%2Dlevel%2
    0government%20officials.
  • Dee (J.), « The Cold War in Independent Africa », Edition, Central College Press,
    1993, Disonible on URL adress, https://central.edu/writing-anthology/2019/07/02/thecold-war-in-independent-africa/
  • Nidiaye (P.), « L’Amérique est de retour en Afrique », 28.02.2021. Disponible sur l’adress URL suivante, https://www.jeuneafrique.com/171574/politique/carte-les-voyages-africains-des-prsidents-chinois-depuis-vingt-ans/
  • Fatoumata (D.) « Tournée africaine de Mike Pompeo : La priorité des États-Unis est de contrer la Chine et la Russie », Jeune Afrique, 02.02.2020. https://www .jeunea frique.com/898606/polit ique/tournee-africaine-de-mike-pompeo-la-priorite-des-etats-unisest-de-contrer-la-chine-et-la-russie/
  • Campbell (J), « U.S. Africa Policy Needs a Reset Trump Didn’t Tear Up the
    Playbook, but It Still Needs to Be Rewritten », Foreign Affairs, 10.12.2020, Disponible on URL address, https://www .foreignaffair s.com/articles/africa/2020-10-
    12/us-africa-policy-needs-reset
  • Temin (J.), « Africa Is Changing—and U.S. Strategy Is Not Keeping Up Washington
    Needs to Rethink Its Approach to the Continent », Foreign Affairs, 10.08.2021,
    Disponible on URL address. https://www .foreignaffairs.com /articles/africa /2021-10-08/africa-changing-and-us-strategy-notkeeping
  • “La Chine et l’Afrique renforcent leur coopération commerciale malgré la COVID-
    19″Xinhua, 18.11.2021. Disponble sur l’adress URL suivante.
    http://www.focac.org/fra/zfgx5/zzjw/202111/t20211117_ 10449492 .htm
  • Townsend (S. J.), « The Chinese are activity seeking a military naval base in Africa
    on the Atlantic coast, which would threaten U.S. national security », US Department of Defense, 17.05.2022. Disponible on nexte URL https://www.defense. gov/News/NewsStories/Article/ Article/ 2969935/general-says-china-is-seeking-a-naval-base-in-westafrica/
  • Bernard (J. M.), Coulibali (B.) & Wintrop (R.), « L’éducation, un outil essentiel dans
    la riposte de l’Afrique face au COVID-19 », Global PArtne ship, 09.06.2020 Disponible on nexte URL, https://www.globalpartnership.org/fr/blog /leducation-unoutil-essentiel-dans-la-riposte-de-lafrique-face-au-covid-19
  • Lee (M.), « Blinken to Africa to boost US response to regional crises », AP News,
    16.2021, Disponible on nexte URL, https://
    apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-middle-east-asia-china-africa-6e0d3801
    24c7ab2c9bec33530de4ca29
  • Jones (C. D.), Ndofor (H. A.) & Li (M.), « Chinesse economic engagement in Africa : implication for US. Policy », Edition, Foreign Policy Research Institute, 24.01.2022.
    Disponible on URL address, https://www.fpri.org/article /2022/01/chineseeconomic-engagement-in-africa/#:~:text=Between%20200120and%2 02018%2CChina,invested %20%2441%0billion%20in%20FDI
  • Steadman (L. M.), « Defending the U.S. Military Presence in Africa for Reasons
    beyond Counterterrorism », Edition, Centre for Strategic & International Studies,
    01.2020, Disponibl on URL adress https:// www.csis.org /analysis/defending-usmilitary-presence-africa-reasons-beyond-counterterrorism
  • Rainfroy (C.), « Marché de l’armement en Afrique : qui achète quoi et à qui ? », Jeune
    Afrique, 26.02.2016, Disponible on nexte URL, Erreur ! Référence de lien hypertexte non valide.
  • Afp, « Maroc : manœuvres militaires avec les États-Unis dans le Sud », Jeune
    Afrique, 22.04.2017, Disponible on URL address, Erreur ! Référence de lien hypertexte non valide.
  • Bolton (J.), « Biden Must Reverse Course on Western Sahara Trump’s recognition of
    Moroccan sovereignty dangerously undermines decades of carefully crafted U.S.
    policy», Foreign Policy, 15.12.2020, Disponible on URL adress,
    https://foreignpolicy.com/2020/12/15/biden-reverse-course-western-sahara/29/
  • « Pour Washington, le partenariat maroco-américain est enraciné dans des intérêts
    communs pour la paix, la sécurité et la prospérité », ministère des affaires étrangères de la coopération africaine et des marocains résidant à l’étranger, 22.11.2021. Disponible on URL address, https://www.diplomatie.ma/fr/pour-washington-lepartenariat-maroco-am%C3%A9ricain-est-enracin%C3%A9-dans-desint%C3%A9r%C3%AAts-communs-pour-la-paix-las%C3%A9curit%C3%A9-et-la-prosp%C3 %A9rit%C3%A9:

[1]– ” ,17.08.2015متوفر على الرابط التالي , «سني (م. أ.) « المدركات الاستراتيجية الأمريكية اتجاه الجزائر – إدارة جورج بوش نموذجا
اhttp://37.187.27.16/v3/etudes/20727.html

[2] Molina (FI) & Garcia (RO), « Western Sahara as a Hybrid of a Parastate and a State-in-Exile:2

(Extra)territoriality and the Small Print of Sovereignty in a Context of Frozen Conflict », Édition, Nationalities

Papers, 2020, P 6 .

[3] Martin (C.G.), «Rethinking the Concept of a “Durable Solution”: Sahrawi Refugee Camps Four Decades On »,
Édition, Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs, 2017, 31, N°3, pp 3-4.

[4] Theofilopoulou (A.), « The United Nations and Western Sahara A Never-ending Affair », Édition, Special
Report 166, United States Institute of Peace, 2006, P 14.

[5] Cabanis (A.), & Cr.. « Méthodologie de la recherche en droit international, géopolitique et relations
internationales », Éd, IDEA Design & Print Éditura, 2010, P 27.

[6] U.S. Embassy & Consulates in Morocco « History of The US and Morocco », Disponible on URL Adresse
https://ma.usembassy.gov/ourrelationship/policyhistory/io/#:~:text=Over%20the%20past%20three%20decades,by%20high%2Dlevel%20government%20officials

[7] (م.) أوربان. ” أمريكا تعود إلى إفريقيا ). 22.02.2012. متوفر على العنوان الاكتروني التالي .  [7] https://www.france24.com/ar/201000222unitedstateseconomytotacklechinainafricaback  ,

[8] Dee (J.), « The Cold War in Independent Africa », Édition, Central College Press, 1993, Disonible on URL
adresse, https://central.edu/writing-anthology/2019/07/02/the-cold-war-in-independent-africa/

[9] Nidiaye (P.), « L’Amérique est de retour en Afrique », 28.02.2021. Disponible on URL address suivante,
https://www.jeuneafrique.com/1123877/politique/le-reengagement-americain-en-afrique/

[10] Lemarchand (R.), « The C.I.A. in Africa: How Central? How Intelligent? »,Édition, The Journal of Modern
African Studies, 1976, P 5.

[11]متوفر على العنوان الالكتروني التالي.,“ الاهتمام الأمريكي بمنطقة المغرب العربي”

https://cte.univ-setif2. z/moodl e/mod/bok/view.php?id=3626 

[12] zunes (s.), « theunited states and the western sahara peace process », Edition, middel east policy, vol v, n° 04, january 1998, p 3.

[13] Ibid, « theunited states and the western sahara peace process », P 5.

[14] Ahrens (J.) & Kalkschmied (K.), « China in Africa: Competitor of the EU? », Édition, Herausgeber, 2021, pp
4—9.

[15] Roger (B.), « Carte : les voyages africains des présidents chinois depuis vingt ans », Jeune Afrique,
28.03.2013, Disponible on URL address suivante, https://www.jeuneafrique.com/171574/politique/carte-lesvoyages-africains-des-pr-sidents-chinois-depuis-vingt-ans/

[16] Op. cit., « China in Africa : Competitor of the EU? », P 15.

[17] Fatoumata (D.) « Tournée africaine de Mike Pompeo : La priorité des États-Unis est de contrer la Chine et la
Russie », Jeune Afrique, 02.02.2020 .https://www .jeuneafrique .com/898606/polit ique/tournee-africaine-demike-pompeo-la-priorite-des-etats-unis-est-de-contrer-la-chine-et-la-russie/

[18] Campbell (J), « U.S. Africa Policy Needs a Reset Trump Didn’t Tear Up the Playbook, but It Still Needs to
Be Rewritten », Foreign Affairs, 10.12.2020, Disponible sur l’adresse URL suivante, https://www.foreignaffair
s.com/articles/africa/2020-10-12/us-africa-policy-needs-reset

[19] Campbell (H. G.), « The Quagmire of US Militarism in Africa », Édition, Council for the Development of
Social Science Research in Africa, 2020, P 23.

[20] Ibid, « The Quagmire of US Militarism in Africa », P 29.

[21] Ibid, « The Quagmire of US Militarism in Africa », P 9.

[22] Temin (J.), « Africa Is Changing—and U.S. Strategy Is Not Keeping Up Washington Needs to Rethink Its
Approach to the Continent », Foreign Affairs, 10.08.2021, Disponible on URL address.
https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/africa/2021-10-08/africa-changing-and-us-strategy-not-keeping

[23],11. ص,22.05.2020 , أبو خريص (أ.) , ” التنافس الصيني الأمريكي على القارة الإفريقية ,” المعهد المصري للدراسات, دراسات سياسية

[24] 18.01.2016″ متفر على الرابط التالي “

https://www.aljazeera.net /encyclopedi/organiztionsandstructures

[25] “La Chine et l’Afrique renforcent leur coopération commerciale malgré la COVID-19″Xinhua, 18.11.2021.
Disponble on URL adresse. http://www.focac.org/fra/zfgx5/zzjw/202111/t20211117_ 10449492
.htm

[26] Townsend (S. J.), « The Chinese are activity seeking a military naval base in Africa on the Atlantic coast,
which would threaten U.S. national security », US Department of Defense, 17.05.2022. Disponible on nexte
URL https://www.defense. gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/2969935/general-says-china-is-seeking-anaval-base-in-west-africa/

[27]  2018, ص12.,منصوري (ع.) ” التنافس الأوروبي الأمريكي الواقع والأفاق”, مجلة الأستاذ الباحث للدراسات القانونية والسياسية

[28] Corkin (J. N.), « China’s rising Soft Power: the role of rhetoric in constructing China-Africa relations »,
Édition, Revista BrasileiRa, 2014, P 10.

[29] Ogunnoiki (O. A.), « Russia-Africa Relations in the 21st Century: Symbiotic or Predatory ? », Édition,
Covenant University Journal of Politics & International Affairs. Vol. 9 No. 2, 11, 2021, P 5.

[30] صميض (ح.,) ” روسيا والعودة إلى إفريقيا ,” منشورات مؤسسة خالد الحسن مركز الدراسات و الأبحاث, العدد  ص5. العدد 7/8.

[31] Ibid, ” , روسيا والعودة إلى إفريقيا “, P 8.

[32] Birgerson (M.), Kozeiakhen (A.) & Kanet (N.), « La politique russe en Afrique : désengagement ou
coopération ? », Édition, Révue d’études Comparatives Est-Ouest, 1996, p 25.

[33] Bernard (J. M.), Coulibali (B.) & Wintrop (R.), « L’éducation, un outil essentiel dans la riposte de l’Afrique
face au COVID-19 », Global PArtne ship, 09.06.2020. Disponible on URL adresse, Erreur ! Référence de lien hypertexte non valide.

[34] Lee (M.), « Blinken to Africa to boost US response to regional crises », AP News, 11.16.2021, Disponible on
URL adresse, https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-middle-east-asia-china-africa-6e0d380 24c7ab2cb ec33530de4ca29

[35] Ibid., « « Russia-Africa Relations », P 5.

[36] Op.cit., « The Quagmire of US Militarism in Africa », P 24.

[37] Jones (C. D.), Ndofor (H. A.) & Li (M.), « Chinesse economic engagement in Africa : implication for US.
Policy »,Édition, Foreign Policy Research Institute, 24.01.2022. Disponible on URL address,
https://www.fpri.org/article/2022/01/chinese-economic-engagement-in-africa/#:~:text= Between%202001
%20and%202018%2C%20China,invested%20%2441%20billion%20in%20FDI.

[38] Steadman (L. M.), « Defending the U.S. Military Presence in Africa for Reasons beyond Counterterrorism »,
Édition, Centre for Strategic & International Studies, 03.01.2020, Disponible on URL address,
https://www.csis.org /analysis/defending-us-military-presence-africa-reasons-beyond-counterterrorism

[39] Op.cit., « the united states and the western sahara », P 3.

[40] Abourabi (Y.), « Les relations internationales du Maroc : Le Maroc à la recherche d’une identité stratégique »,
Édition, Centre Jacques-Berque, 2015, P 5.

[41] Les pays BRICS sont une association de pays tels que le Brésil, la Russie, l’Inde, la Chine et l’Afrique du Sud.

[42] Ibid, « Les Relations Internationales du Maroc », P 8.

[43] Ibid, « Les Relations Internationales du Maroc », P 9.

[44] Ibid, « Les Relations Internationales du Maroc », P 13.

[45] Rainfroy (C.), « Marché de l’armement en Afrique : qui achète quoi et à qui ? », Jeune Afrique, 26.02.2016,
Disponible on URL adresse, https://www.jeuneafrique.com/305138/politique/marche-de-larmementafrique-achete-quoi-a/

[46] Afp, « Maroc : manœuvres militaires avec les États-Unis dans le Sud », Jeune Afrique, 22.04.2017,
Disponible on URL address suivante, https://www.jeuneafrique.com/431881/politique/maroc-manoeuvresmilitaires-etats-unis-sud/

[47] Op.cit., « The Quagmire of US Militarism in Africa », P 29.

[48] Arief (A.), « Westen Sahara », Édition, Congressional Research Service, 2014, P 9.

[49] Bolton (J.), «Biden Must Reverse Course on Western Sahara Trump’s recognition of Moroccan sovereignty
dangerously undermines decades of carefully crafted U.S. policy», Foreign Policy, 15.12.2020, Disponible on
URL address, https://foreignpolicy.com/2020/12/15/biden-reverse-course-western-sahara/

[50] Zoubir (H. Y.) & Gambier (K.), « The United States and the North African Imbroglio: Balancing Interests in
Algeria, Morocco, and the Western Sahara »,Édition, Mediterranean Politics Review, 2006, P 19.

[51] Op.cit, « « Western Sahara as a Hybrid of a Parastate and a State-in-Exile », P 6.

[52] Saidy (B.), « American Interests in the Western Sahara Conflict », Édition, Journal of the
National Committee on American Foreign Policy, V 33 N° 2, 2011, P 5.

[53] Taib (M.), «The Mineral Industries of Morocco and Western Sahara», Édition, Minerals Yearbook, 2016, P 4.

[54]  https://ustda.gov/initiatives/prosper-africa/ . importante link.

[55] زهرو (ر.,) ” المغرب والولايات التحدة الأمريكية والشراكات الاستراتيجية,” ,04.01.2021متوفر على الرابط التالي

https://alittihad.info/%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%BA%D8%B1%D8%A8%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%88%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AA%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%AA%D8%AD%D8%A F%D8%A9-

[56] Op.cit.,« Westen Sahara », P 10.

[57] « Pour Washington, le partenariat maroco-américain est enraciné dans des intérêts communs pour la paix, la
sécurité et la prospérité », ministère des affaires étrangères de la coopération africaine et des marocains résidant
à l’étranger, 22.11.2021. Disponible on URL adresse, https://www.diplomatie.ma/fr/pourwashington-le-partenariat-maroco-am%C3%A9ricain-est-enracin%C3%A9-dans-desint%C3%A9r%C3%AAts-communs-pour-la-paix-la-s%C3%A9curit%C3%A9-et-laprosp%C3%A9rit%C3%A9

5/5 - (3 أصوات)

المركز الديمقراطى العربى

المركز الديمقراطي العربي مؤسسة مستقلة تعمل فى اطار البحث العلمى والتحليلى فى القضايا الاستراتيجية والسياسية والاقتصادية، ويهدف بشكل اساسى الى دراسة القضايا العربية وانماط التفاعل بين الدول العربية حكومات وشعوبا ومنظمات غير حكومية.

مقالات ذات صلة

اترك تعليقاً

لن يتم نشر عنوان بريدك الإلكتروني. الحقول الإلزامية مشار إليها بـ *

زر الذهاب إلى الأعلى