Sub-Saharan immigrants’ integration policies in Morocco Article review

Abstract

Morocco’s strategic position between Europe, the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa leads it to be a new destination country that has received growing flows of sub-Saharan immigrants. This fact has challenged the government to launch the National Policy on Immigration and Asylum NPIA to integrate them in the socio-economic fabric. This article review aims to assess the impact of the NPIA on the integration of sub-Saharan immigrants in labor, education and healthcare sectors. Accordingly, we have made a selection of 14 articles and reports dating back from 2002 to 2019. They are included in a qualitative synthesis. Data depict that the administrative regularization does not change the battle for survival. Studies depict inequality and discrimination against particular nationals. Moreover, immigrants suffer from lack of job opportunities and forced to work in informal economy or in hard labor sectors with low wages. Furthermore, the Integration of immigrants ’children in Moroccan schools remains very limited in comparison to the increasing numbers of this population. The educational system and the extensive enrollment process keep immigrants’ children out of this service. For healthcare, most of the interviewed migrants benefit from pregnancy monitoring and child birth, yet, despite the government and civil society efforts , huge number of immigrants cannot get access to healthcare services either being in  illegal situation or being Anglophone. Thus, Morocco is ill-prepared to integrate sub-Saharans successfully in the socio-economic life.

Introduction:

          Migration phenomenon is a topic that dominates the World debates since decades. Yet, recently especially after the 1973 oil crisis, destination countries realized that adopting intensive stricter -measures to curb the flows of irregular migrants are useless; especially after the recent statistics from the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) which suggest that the population of sub-Saharan Africa will double by 2050 [1]; hence, a massive movements within and outside the borders of Africa will not have an end. For this reason, European member states become aware that irregular migration is no more a European matter. It entails the necessity of integrating the neighboring countries particularly transit countries like Morocco to externalize the problem outside the boundaries of Europe. Accordingly, Policy- makers have tried to manage the issue more systematically and humanely in order to establish laws and intensify the integration of the immigrants on its territories.

Morocco’s strategic position between Europe, the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa leads the country to be a new destination country that has received the first waves of irregular immigrants since 1990s. Most of them prefer to settle in Morocco instead of crossing the Mediterranean because of the excessive security measures from both costs of the Mediterranean or the high costs of smuggling. As a result of these stricter-border measures, in 2018 it was a decrease of over 54,000 migrants compared to 2017 that witnessed more than 154,000 migrants who crossed the Mediterranean to get to Europe[2]. Moreover, sub-Saharan immigrants including both economic migrants and refugees residing on the Moroccan territories are estimated to be more than 700,000 African immigrants (Ghazouani 2019). The influxes embody youth, women and children nowadays. Thus, Morocco is no more just a source and a transit country, it plays also a third role that is of a receiving destination during the last twenty years [3]. This fact leads the Moroccan government not only to sign various bilateral agreements with the European Union member states and West African countries at the level of its foreign policy, but also to improve the adopted legislative measures and launched the National Policy on Immigration and Asylum NPIA. Besides, Morocco is party to the 1951 Geneva Convention and its 1967 New York Protocol as well as the 1969 Organization for African Unity Convention.

Therefore, Morocco accepted the challenge to integrate sub-Saharan Africans in terms of granting residence cards and getting access to the economic and social services. The monarchy provides an example of how an African and Arabic country takes the lead to ensure better integration of the African immigrants and refugees by developing its own national migration integration policies in the MENA region. Accordingly, this article review analyses various results related to migration and integration of Sub-Saharan immigrants in Morocco. It targets the NPIA integration achievements and assesses the improvement of the life conditions of sub-Saharan immigrants.

Search methodology:

Search and Study Selection:

We have made an extensive research in various web sites that provide scientific databases such as research gate, Google scholar, Google and others. The selection of a number of articles dating back from 2002 to 2019 covered the period before and after the reform (table 1.). The reports were selected following a preliminary screening of titles and abstracts. Studies that did not meet the illegibility criteria are excluded.

From a total of 53 documents, 23 records were excluded. Titles and abstracts of 30 records were screened. The total number of excluded records was 43 for their illegibility. The remaining studies were evaluated and included in a qualitative synthesis (figure 1). The results are shown in two section format: The first section included the studies that evaluate the previous legislative laws and the second section presents the current integration strategy. The outcomes are analyzed and discussed below.

Eligibility criteria:

The selected articles meet the following criteria:

1. Documents published in peer reviewed journals.
2. Reports are written in English, French and Arabic languages.
3. Papers included data and figures and analyze statistics.
4. Documents based on case studies, interviews and statistics.
5. Studies conducted by Moroccan and European experts in the field of migration and integration.

Results:

            Accordingly, the gradual change from a transit to a hosting country obliged Moroccan policy makers to launch a range of legislatives as a framework for immigrants’ integration in the Moroccan society. Thus, integration as a multi-dimensional process that guarantees access to employment, housing, health care, and other social services. Yet, this review focalizes merely on three dimensions of integration; it targets the integration of the sub-Saharan in labor market, education, healthcare services. Hence, the assessment of current policy achievements entails the comparison and analysis of articles and reports that provide a clear idea about the situation of this vulnerable minority before and after the adoption of the National strategy on immigration and asylum in 2013 by the Moroccan government[4]. This comparison would assess the impact of this reform on the sub-Saharan Africans’ life conditions more accurately. (Table 1.)

          The strategy came shortly after the events of the Arab uprising and the refugee crisis that followed. It replaced the 2003 law 02-03, that criminalized irregular migration and established prison penalties for irregular immigrants and traffickers[5]. However, the new law is based on humanitarian considerations that yearn not only to grant them regular status, but also to permit them enjoying human rights and access to the socio-economic services[6].  In fact, NPIA is considered to be the most forward-looking approach among the countries of the Maghreb, and even of Africa.

On the one hand, the following studies analyzed the situation of sub-Saharans before the launching of the NPIA. For instance, a study reported how Moroccan administrative framework has failed to protect refugees. The interviewed refugees declared that they get assistance only from Caritas Rabat like vaccinations, clothing, blankets, and social counseling. It shows also that priority was given to French-speaking refugees since the interviewed English-speaking population had never received assistance from Caritas. The study found also that most UNHCR-recognized refugees are not granted refugee status by the Moroccan authorities. Only six interviewers obtained a residence permit after a delay of up to four years.  And only one Sierre Leonean refugee had been able to obtain a work permit, because he has married to a Moroccan woman.  Six out of the fifty asylum seekers and refugees interviewed were engaged in regular income-generating activities. One Liberian refugee, a father of 11 children, none of his children attended school because they are not proficient neither in French nor Arabic. And he cannot afford the tuition fees for private schools.[7] Moreover, another report illustrates the interviewers’ dire conditions of employment and the inability to access to the social services, which are impacted by their illegal status. It recommended the urgent need for a new policy framework operating at national, regional and international levels [8]. Besides This report, other studies, which were done in 2002 by the Forced Migration and Refugee Studies (FMRS) Programme at the American University of Cairo Egypt (AUC), evaluated the implementation of domestic legislations related to the status of refugees. The study reveals that significant problems that hinder the full protection of refugee rights exist on the ground[9]. Furthermore, a thesis included results from the survey conducted by Amerm-Afvic-Cisp in 2007 and published in 2008 on 1,000 mostly irregular Sub-Saharan transit migrants in Morocco. It presents the following proportions of countries of origin in the late 2000s: Nigeria (15.7%), Mali (13.1%), Senegal (12.8%), Ivory Coast (9.2%), Guinea (7.3%), Cameron (7.0%), Democratic Republic of Congo (6%) and Gambia (4.9%). Sixty percent of the migrants interviewed declared having no source of income, nineteen percent had resorted to begging and 10 percent received aid from charity associations. Only 2.3% declared themselves employed, often in the building, retail trade and domestic service sectors. The article showed also that 35.4% of the employed migrants are Francophone whereas 28.8% are Anglophone.  About 34.9% of Anglophones stated charity as a source of income, while only 3.5% are Francophone. Moreover, in term of access to healthcare, 47.3% of the Francophone migrant received medical care since their arrival to Morocco, compared to 33% of the Anglophone migrants [10]. Consequently, all considered studies analyzed the situation of the migrants during the period before 2013 integration strategy and pushed inevitably the Moroccan government to move forwards and did an unprecedented initiative in two regularization campaigns.

On the other hand, several studies depict that the administrative regularization granted residence permits to almost 50,000 migrants during the first and second regularizations in 2014 and 2017, including both Arabic and non-Arabic speaking migrants. They benefited from residence permits and access to the socio-economic services. The beneficiaries were mainly sub-Saharans from countries like Mali, Senegal, Niger, Nigeria, Côte d’Ivoire and Guinea[11]. Likewise, more studies based on statistics of the 1^st pardon presented by the Moroccan State Minister of Interior showed that 10,178 women and children applications were accepted and 25,000 from 27,332 applications were accepted covering 92%.  Even the regularization included nationals represented 116 countries; Senegalese formed the largest group with 6,600 legal statuses, followed by Nigerians (2,380), Ivoirians (2,281), Cameroonians (1.410), Guineans (1.408), and Malians (1.119). (Mbarek Naama, s. d.). Similar studies concluded that 70% of respondents in an international university of Rabat survey of 1400 migrants applied for the first phase of the 2014 regularization, though they express preference to stay in Morocco, they acknowledge the unsatisfied standards of living and unemployment obstacles. The fifty thousand migrants, who obtained residence cards in the two campaigns, belonged to 113 countries. As a result, from 2014 onwards 73000 migrants have received permit cards [12]. Furthermore, another report submitted by the department of immigration affaires announced the implementation of integration activities. For education services, 5545 student benefited from formal education in 2017/2018 school year, among them 2729 female students. They benefit also from the national programmes like one million school-bags, school feeding programme. Remedial work was provided for 315 students, benefiting from nursery schooling for 150 children. Teaching languages and Moroccan culture Programmes were given to 1615 participants. Concerning healthcare, 75 social workers provide assistance to sub-Saharan migrants. All most 967 diagnose during the national programme combating tuberculosis. Migrants benefit from 745 monitoring pregnancy and childbirth cases, 502 family planning and vaccination for 751 children. Furthermore, in terms of training and employment, there were about 54 beneficiary vocational training & job promotion. Education & training centers received 401 registered migrant and refugee. Seven hundred seventeen immigrants benefited from job search workshops, 549 job interview, and 607 job application. Forty nine migrant are integrated in employment and 23 entrepreneur benefited from accompaniment.[13].  More studies explored the change brought to non-formal education system by the new reform In 2013/2014 school year. There were 110 migrant beneficiaries in the non-formal education system.  This figure grew to a total of 1,628 participants backed by 15 different organizations. However, the number was decreased to 482 for the 2015/2016 school year. This study stressed also the lack of multicultural/migrant sensitive teacher training besides the absence of the integration of cultural diversity into school curriculum[14].

The status of refugees in Morocco concerns the international community too. Hence a study evaluated the partnership between Moroccan government and United Union High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR stressed the following results. In 2018 Refugees Status Determination RSD and UNHCR data show that the Country Office CO registered in 2017 about 1,975 sub-Saharan individuals and 2,618 in 2018 , with an increase of 32 per cent. The sub-Saharan population registered in Morocco is increased from a percentage of 60% in 2016 to 80% in 2018 compared to Arab refugees. They were mainly nationals from Guinea, Nigeria, South Sudan and the Central African Republic. Moreover, only 16 (9%) of the 183 unaccompanied minors whose applications were examined were recognized as refugees (Enric Grau Christophe Charras Elena Lucchi 2019).

Furthermore, a study covered four cities in Morocco revealed that sub-Saharans occupied low-skilled temporary jobs in farms in Oujda and Nador, they are paid between 40 and 60 dirhams per day; whereas they work in construction sector In Rabat. Migrants’ occupations are also gender-biased; most sub-Saharan women work as hairdressers, in bakeries, or as cleaners, while Senegalese female migrants often work as maids for bourgeoisie.  Sub-Saharan migrants especially Anglophone nationals found difficulty to access to employment. According to an interview with ABCDs president in Oujda, employers prefer to hire locals or Syrians. While an interview with ABCDS and ACM members showed that including registered migrants in the ANAPEC (Agence Nationale de Promotion de l’Emploi et des Compétences) remained limited to Casablanca. All migrants interviewed in Meknes, Nador, and some in Oujda, practiced begging as a source of income. For the question of healthcare, from the out-camp, four pregnant women both in legal and illegal status attended the hospital for primary check-up, and gave birth, unlike women in the Nador camp, who may go to hospital at the moment of giving delivery for fear of deportation.  Moreover, many migrants mainly Anglophone stressed that, without an NGO representative, they would not get any medical care. Most interviewers did speak neither Arabic nor French and they had never received any language training to facilitate their integration into society. For education services, the interviewees in camps cannot integrate their children in formal or informal schools.  They claimed that the administrative procedures discourage many of them, besides the teaching of Arabic and Islamic culture in schools discourages them from enrolling their children[15].

Table 1. A summary of studies covered the period before and after the reform (2002 – 2019)

Discussion:

For an accurate assessment of the integration polities, the analyzed data presented in the above studies reveals much reality. Three dimensions are discussed in this review. To begin with, the variable of employment is an important dimension that reflects the inadequacy of the policies. For instance, the administrative situation regularization of the 73000 migrants received permits from 2014 onwards does not change the battle for survival of sub-Saharans. Most of the studies highlighted discrimination against immigrants in terms of granting residence cards. They concluded that the priority was often giving to Senegalese nationals and to immigrants whose countries of origin belong to The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).  During the first pardon Senegalese formed the largest group of 6,600 regularization from 25,000. This discrimination is due to the deep historical relations and the political bilateral agreements that strengthened the diplomatic relations between the two countries. Female migrants also are preferred for home services. This trend unearths the historical representation linked to the common memory of slavery, when many slaves were brought from Senegal to serve for the bourgeoisie. Moreover, migrants are forced to work in informal economy and in labor sectors such as construction, call centers, or domestic work with low wages, because of the lack of options and entrepreneurship; besides high unemployment rate (22.3%) among Moroccans university graduates, which is another evidence for lack of job opportunities; immigrants encounter “Moroccan first” policy [16]. Thus, sub-Saharan immigrants face discrimination since employer preferred to employ Moroccan nationals or Syrians instead of sub-Saharans. These latter are framed to lack qualification ; since the Moroccan collective memory believes that the west African countries still suffer from illiteracy and backwardness. In addition to that, discrimination is vivid in the rate of Anglophone migrants too, 28.8% can get access to jobs in comparison to 35.4% Francophone migrants. Accordingly, Moroccan employers prefer to hire Francophone nationals that share the same colonial history and language. As a result, obtaining a residence card does not change the immigrants’ dire situation.

The inability to work hinders immigrants’ abilities to access to education too. The Integration of 5545 students in 2017/2018 school year remains very limited in comparison to the increasing numbers of the immigrants’ children. Most interviewers suffered from the extensive enrollment process that keeps children out of this service. More important, the ministry of education is still lacking a multicultural teacher training in the pedagogical centers. The absence of the integration of cultural diversity into school curriculum presents another obstacle particularly in front of immigrants who are non- Muslims and do not speak Arabic. The non-formal education system is suffering from poor educator quality indeed. On the whole, large discrepancies between what the Moroccan government claimed to enact through integration actions and what is happening in reality.

 Finally, the Access to healthcare is also stressed in the studies above. We conclude that Anglophone migrants are suffering more than Francophone nationals. All most 47.3% of the Francophone migrant received medical care since their arrival to Morocco, compared to 33% of the Anglophone. Discrimination is due to the luck of language proficiency that hinders communication with the population and the institutions. Francophone immigrants integrate themselves faster and better than Anglophones; thanks to the common colonial heritage especially in terms of the French language. Most of the interviewed migrants admit that they can benefit from pregnancy monitoring and child birth, weather they were in legal or illegal situation. According to the department of immigration affairs, 745 beneficiary monitoring pregnancy and child birth, 502 family planning and vaccine for 751 children. Yet, these figures remain insufficient since there are still women who can give birth in camps in the border areas for fear of deportation. Additionally, the Moroccan health sector is ill-prepared to provide sub-Saharans assistance; as its capacity is still very limited. Migrants most of the time resort to the government partners including civil society and UNHCR assistance; that plays a significant role in the country. In short, a reform with big promises but limited resources would obviously fail to offer healthcare services for West African immigrants.

Conclusion:

To sum up, The NPIA policy brings hopes to sub-Saharan migrants. In fact, it changes the situation of many sub-Saharan immigrants; however, the studies discussed in this article review show that integration actions are very slow and inadequate. Furthermore, most of the sub-Saharan African immigrants denounced the discriminatory acts against particular minorities mainly in legislative regularization selection, employment, education and healthcare. In the final analysis, despite the current improvements and regularization campaigns, migrants continue to live in marginalization and exclusion in Morocco.

List of references:

« Almost Home? Morocco’s Incomplete Migration Reforms ». Consulté le 17 avril 2020. https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/15691/almost-home-morocco-s-incomplete-migration-reforms.

Channe Lindstrom. « Report on the Situation of Refugees in Morocco:  Findings of an Exploratory Study  October 2002 ». Forced Migration and Refugee Studies Programme,  American University of Cairo, 2002.

Ella Schoenen. « Migrant Education in Morocco: Cross-Cultural Competence Favored Over Integrative Reform. An Analysis of the Moroccan Government’s Migrant Integration Efforts through Education. » SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad, 2016.

Enric GrauEnric Grau Christophe Charras Elena Lucchi. « UNHCR Country Portfolio Evaluation:  Morocco (2016–2019) », décembre 2019.

Ghazouani, Driss El. « A Growing Destination for Sub-Saharan Africans, Morocco Wrestles with Immigrant Integration ». migrationpolicy.org, 1 juillet 2019. https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/growing-destination-sub-saharan-africans-morocco.

Hannah Mangen. « Hannah, “KUL SHAE MIZEAN—MOROCCAN RHETORIC OF RACISM: Obscured Moroccan Racism and Its Effects on Sub-Saharan African Refugees’ Integration in Rabat” ». Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 2531., 2017.

Imane Bendra. « Sub-Saharan migrants’ life circumstances under the new Moroccan migration policy ». http://www.migratingoutofpoverty.org/documents/bendra-moroccos-new-migration-policy-update.pdf., s. d., 30.

Inc, Google. « Get Africa Involved: Morocco’s Lead in the Management of Immigration ». Policy Center for the New South, 30 août 2019. https://www.policycenter.ma/opinion/get-africa-involved-morocco%E2%80%99s-lead-management-immigration.

Mbarek Naama. « SUB-SAHARAN IRREGULAR MIGRANTS IN MOROCCO   &  THE EXCEPTIONAL REGULARISATION PROGRAMME IN 2014 ». Thesis, Spring 2017, s. d.

Movisie. « Morocco is an immigration country too ». Consulté le 1 mai 2020. https://www.movisie.nl/artikel/morocco-immigration-country-too.

Middle East Institute. « Morocco’s Triple Role in the Euro-African Migration System ». Consulté le 17 avril 2020. https://www.mei.edu/publications/moroccos-triple-role-euro-african-migration-system.

Myriam Cherti, Peter Grant. « THE MYTH OF TRANSITSUB-SAHARAN MIGRATION IN MOROCCO ». Institute for Public Policy Research, juin 2013.

« report: The activities of the ministry for Moroccans Living Abroad and Migration Affairs ». department of immigration affaires, 2018.

Le Ministère délégué auprès du Ministre des Affaires Étrangères, de la Coopération Africaine et des Marocains Résidant à l’Étranger, chargé des Marocains Résidant à l’Étranger. « Stratégie nationale d’immigration et d’Asile ». Consulté le 11 mai 2020. https://marocainsdumonde.gov.ma/strategie-nationale-dimmigration-et-dasile/.

« The Evolution of Moroccan Immigration: a Lesson for All Countries | Inter Press Service ». Consulté le 1 mai 2020. http://www.ipsnews.net/2018/12/evolution-moroccan-immigration-lesson-countries/.

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Conflict of Interest

The author declares that no competing interests exist.

Disclosure Statement

The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. No additional external funding was received for this study.

Figures  Legends:

Figure 1: The process of the studies selection according to PRISMA flow diagram

Tables Legends:

Table 1: A summary of studies covered the period before and after the reform (2002 – 2019)

[1] Inc, « Get Africa Involved ».

[2] « Morocco is an immigration country too ».

[3] « The Evolution of Moroccan Immigration: a Lesson for All Countries | Inter Press Service ».

[4] « Stratégie nationale d’immigration et d’Asile ».

[5] « Morocco’s Triple Role in the Euro-African Migration System ».

[6] « Almost Home? Morocco’s Incomplete Migration Reforms ».

[7] Channe Lindstrom, « Report on the Situation of Refugees in Morocco:  Findings of an Exploratory Study  October 2002 ».

[8] Myriam Cherti, « THE MYTH OF TRANSITSUB-SAHARAN MIGRATION IN MOROCCO ».

[9] Channe Lindstrom, « Report on the Situation of Refugees in Morocco:  Findings of an Exploratory Study  October 2002 ».

[10] Mbarek Naama, « SUB-SAHARAN IRREGULAR MIGRANTS IN MOROCCO   &  THE EXCEPTIONAL REGULARISATION PROGRAMME IN 2014 ».

[11] Inc, « Get Africa Involved ».

[12] Ghazouani, « A Growing Destination for Sub-Saharan Africans, Morocco Wrestles with Immigrant Integration ».

[13] « report: The activities of the ministry for Moroccans Living Abroad and Migration Affairs ».

[14] Ella Schoenen, « Migrant Education in Morocco: Cross-Cultural Competence Favored Over Integrative Reform. An Analysis of the Moroccan Government’s Migrant Integration Efforts through Education. »

[15] Imane Bendra, « Sub-Saharan migrants’ life circumstances under the new Moroccan migration policy ».

[16] Hannah Mangen, « Hannah, “KUL SHAE MIZEAN—MOROCCAN RHETORIC OF RACISM: Obscured Moroccan Racism and Its Effects on Sub-Saharan African Refugees’ Integration in Rabat” ».